Here’s What Can Happen When You Stand Up for Your Rights

Jason of Fish or Man has been arrested for exercising his right to carry. His court date is Dec. 23. He needs some help with the legal fees or a 2nd Amendment-friendly lawyer willing to work pro-bono.

Read his story.

Do it now.

UPDATE: Reader Sam comments:

Stupid question here, but doesn’t he just need a copy of the state laws saying he’s allowed open carry?

To which reader Markm replied:

It sounds like they are also trying to pile on bogus non-gun charges – and once he beats those, he should also sue the PD or they’ll just keep on doing this shit.

Which reminded me (again) of the quotation from Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged:

There is no way to rule innocent men. The only power any government has is to crack down on criminals. When there aren’t enough criminals, one makes them. One declares so many things to be a crime that it becomes impossible for men to live without breaking the law. Create a nation of lawbreakers and then you can cash in on the guilt. Now that’s the system!

I’m sure Jason will be charged with a myriad of offenses, and the prosecutor will offer him a deal to drop everything if he’ll just plead to one charge.



That charge, of course, will be sufficient to strip him of his right to arms. Remember, if you’ve ever been convicted of any crime for which you might have received a sentence of more than one year, or if you’ve been convicted of any felony, you lose your right to arms.



Can’t have the citizens getting uppity, now.

The London Sunday Telegraph Keeps It Up

And good for them. The entry for today is more letters from supporters of the effort. The Telegraph reports that they’ve received 100,000 mail-in cards, and along with them, a lot of stories of the victims of crime. I won’t reproduce them all, but here’s a choice sampling.

Burglary has afflicted us on several occasions. Several years ago I disturbed a man in my house and grabbed an Indian club with which to protect myself. In the heat of the moment, threatened by a provocative move, I lashed out, hitting his outstretched leg and breaking his tibia. He made his escape, albeit limping, and I alerted the constabulary.

The intruder went to hospital. To my absolute amazement I was arrested for causing grievous bodily harm. Little sympathy was afforded to me as the householder because he had not actually removed any property except a quantity of banknotes, which of course I could not prove were mine.

The case was “thrown out” of court on a technicality, but the memory of how near I had been to a possible period of incarceration, merely for defending what was mine, is still with me.



Intruders may or may not be armed with a weapon, but one cannot be sure. If they show intent to attack, then they deserve what they get.

Derek Godfrey-Brown, Okehampton, Devon

That’s OK, Derek, they put the fear of God Government in you. It’s that “chilling effect” they’re going for, you know. If an agent of government injures or kills someone, it’s “the legitimate use of force.” If a citizen subject harms another, it’s “lawless violence.” Semantics is everything.

Here’s another:

We have been subjected to three burglaries at our pub: once while we were sleeping upstairs and twice while we were busy downstairs. Only one of those burglaries has ever been solved.

However, I was myself arrested after I caught some teenagers tearing down trees in my garden. They were attempting to light a bonfire behind my wooden shed, which would have gone up in flames. I did not harm them, but I was holding one by the wrist when the police arrived. Five days later, I was charged with assault. Fortunately the charge was withdrawn the day before I was due to appear in court. It was a very distressing experience. I don’t know why the police pursued the case – if I told you what I thought about them, I would probably get sued for libel.

I was a detective in the Metropolitan Police for 31 years before my retirement in 1985, but things have changed an awful lot since those days.

Graham A McIntosh, Hawkwell, Essex

Mr. McIntosh was a former police officer (probably quite familiar with the procedures for detaining subjects) and he was charged with assault. Again, there’s that “chilling effect” of the government telling its subjects “YOU’RE NOT QUALIFIED!” You know these stories get around, and as a result people are more than a little reticent to defend themselves out of fear of prosecution.

Another:

This is an issue I feel strongly about, instinctively, so I am eager to hear arguments against the proposition, so that my views should be rational as well as emotional.

I have not heard any. I have heard a great deal of name-calling (in other newspapers). There is a defeatist argument that such measures will cause criminals to be more violent – a counsel of despair, if ever I heard one – and fanciful speculation about householders arming themselves. There is the lofty condescension of the “liberal elite”, as William Hague called them, that the law is perfectly adequate. And, of course, the astonishing ignorance of the Attorney General about the number of prosecutions of homeowners and the persecution they suffer from the Crown Prosecution Service.

More power to your campaign.

Mike Fowle, Felixstowe, Suffolk

Hmm… A “liberal elite” that professes that “the law is perfectly adequate.” Remind you of anyone?

Next:

I am 84 years old. Any burglar is certain to be far more strong and agile than I. In order to have any chance to defend myself and my home, I must have the use of a weapon that can supply the power I have lost.

Ury Baruch, London W5

Took the words right out of my mouth. Sorry, Ury. The government doesn’t trust you with that much power.

This woman has taken Ury’s appeal to heart. Hopefully it won’t get her arrested:

I am a widow in my eighties and I live alone. I am appalled and sickened by the pictures of old ladies who have been burgled, beaten up and in some cases, murdered. I do not intend to have that happen to me and so I keep a weapon in my bedroom.

Lady Summerfield, Folkestone, Kent

You can bet, however, that her weapon of choice won’t be a firearm. I doubt an 80+ year-old woman could show “need” for one, since “self defense” isn’t an acceptable reason. She could always pop into London for a bit. I understand you can pick up a pistol pretty cheaply there, if you know the right guy.

I Expect Much Frothing and Gnashing of Teeth

As most of my readers are probably aware, the Justice Department has just released a memorandum that states in no uncertain terms that the Second Amendment protects an individual right to arms. The report is dated August, 2004, but it was released apparently yesterday. It was authored by Steven G. Bradbury, Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General; Howard C. Nielson, Jr., Deputy Assistant Attorney General; and C. Kevin Marshall; Acting Deputy Assistant Attorney General.

The report concludes:

For the foregoing reasons, we conclude that the Second Amendment secures an individual right to keep and to bear arms. Current case law leaves open and unsettled the question of whose right is secured by the Amendment. Although we do not address the scope of the right, our examination of the original meaning of the Amendment provides extensive reasons to conclude that the Second Amendment secures an individual right, and no persuasive basis for either the collective-right or quasi-collective-right views. The text of the Amendment’s operative clause, setting out a “right of the people to keep and bear Arms,” is clear and is reinforced by the Constitution’s structure. The Amendment’s prefatory clause, properly understood, is fully consistent with this interpretation. The broader history of the Anglo-American right of individuals to have and use arms, from England’s Revolution of 1688-1689 to the ratification of the Second Amendment a hundred years later, leads to the same conclusion. Finally, the first hundred years of interpretations of the Amendment, and especially the commentaries and case law in the pre-Civil War period closest to the Amendment’s ratification, confirm what the text and history of the Second Amendment require.

Now all we have to do is get the Federal Appeals courts to overturn stare decisis and start making decisions based on that interpretation.

For example, in the Ninth Circuit’s recent denial to re-hear its Silveira decision en-banc, the Court once again upheld its precedent from Hickman v. Block that concluded that the right to arms was collective, not individual. However, several judges on the circuit wrote dissents, some scathing. My favorite was Judge Kozinski’s. In the Ninth Circuit’s denial to re-hear Nordyke v. King en-banc, this vocal dissent was repeated, with judge Jay Gould stating:

I believe Hickman was wrongly decided. An “individual rights” interpretation, as was recently adopted by the Fifth Circuit in United States v. Emerson is most consistent with the text, structure, purposes and history of the Second Amendment, as well as colonial experience and pre-adoption history. It also reflects what I consider to be the scholarly consensus that has recently developed on the question of how to best interpret the Second Amendment. We should recognize that individual citizens have a constitutional right to keep and bear arms, subject – in the same manner as all other core constitutional rights – to certain limits. Thereafter, the chips will fall where they may, and decisions in due course will clarify what is and is not constitutionally permissible regulation, and the further standards for addressing it.

We’re still building momentum. Perhaps the courts may still save us. The gun ban control crowd must be seething.

Evidence of Absence

While still overwhelmed with work, travelling and otherwise, I’ve neglected my posting here in order to trade barbs engage in discourse over at Tim Lambert’s Deltoid blog. There I was made aware this evening that the National Academy of Sciences’ panel on firearms and violence has released a new report. The full report, should you wish to purchase it, is available here. (I wonder who funded the report?) You can read it for free (for the time being) here. Obviously I haven’t had time to read the thing yet, but I have read the press release, and I’ve also read the opening speech given at the press conference.

Now, I find it fascinating that both Tim Lambert and one of his syncophants have latched on to the finding that:

There is no credible evidence that “right-to-carry” laws, which allow qualified adults to carry concealed handguns, either decrease or increase violent crime.

In fact, Tim’s commenter put it thusly:

(T)he results published yesterday by the NAS Committee on Firearms and Violence have demolished (yet again) the claim that the adoption of a shall issue law reduces crime.

To be fair, Tim also quotes these findings:

There is almost no evidence that violence-prevention programs intended to steer children away from guns have had any effects on their behavior, knowledge, or attitudes regarding firearms. More than 80 such programs exist.

And

Research has found associations between gun availability and suicide with guns, but it does not show whether such associations reveal genuine patterns of cause and effect.

The second does not surprise me, and the third is what I’ve said for a long time.

This report was released yesterday, December 16, 2004. In the opening statement by Professor Charles F. Wellford, Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice and Director of the Maryland Justice Analysis Center made those three points listed above and noted that they were “(t)he committee’s major conclusion”. Let me quote him verbatim so that we all are on the same page here:

The committee’s major conclusion, however, is that the existing data and research methods cannot answer some of the most pressing policy issues in this area. Although there have been some well-designed studies on policy issues, the underlying data and the methods used are not strong enough to draw policy conclusions. For example:
The literature on “right-to-carry” laws has obtained conflicting estimates of their effects on crime, despite the fact that data and methods used in these studies differ in only minor ways. Thirty-four states have enacted these laws, which allow qualified adults to carry concealed handguns. However, we found no credible evidence that such policies either decrease or increase violent crime.
There is no credible evidence that the more than 80 gun-violence prevention programs reviewed by the committee have had any effect on children’s or teens’ attitudes, knowledge, or behavior regarding firearms.
And although research does show associations between gun availability and suicide with guns, that research does not show whether such associations reflect actual cause and effect.

Now this reminded me of another such study of all the then-available gun control research that was published in 1983 – twenty-one years ago. That study was performed at the behest of the Carter administration by James D. Wright, Professor of Human Relations, Dept. of Sociology for Tulane University; Peter H. Rossi, Professor of Sociology at the University of Massachusetts (Amherst) and past president of the American Sociological Association; and Kathleen Daly, Professor of Sociology at Yale University, and it was published under the title Under the Gun: Weapons, Crime, and Violence in America. The preface to that report states:

In 1978 the Social and Demographic Research Institute of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, received a grant from the National Institute of Justice to undertake a comprehensive review of the literature on weapons, crime, and violence in the United States. The purpose of the project is best described as a “sifting and winnowing” of the claims and counterclaims from both sides of the Great American Gun War – the perennial struggle in American political life over what to do, if anything, about guns, about violence, and about crime. The review and analysis of the available studies consumed the better part of three years; the results of this work are contained in this volume.

The intention of any review is to take stock of the available fund of knowledge in some topical area. Under the Gun is no different: our goal has been to glean from the volumes of previous studies those facts that, in our view, seem firmly and certainly established; those hypotheses that seem adequately supported by, or at least approximately consistent with, the best available research evidence; and those areas or topics about which, it seems, we need to know a lot more than we do. One of our major conclusions can be stated in advance: despite the large number of studies that have been done, many critically important questions have not been adequately researched, and some of them have not been examined at all.

Much of the available research in the area of weapons and crime has been done by advocates for one or another policy position. (Big freaking surprise.) As a consequence, the manifest intent of many “studies” is to persuade rather than to inform.

And times haven’t changed, at least in that regard.

Flash forward twenty-one years, and compare and contrast that with this statement from yesterday’s press conference:

Should regulations restrict who may possess firearms? Should there be restrictions on the number or types of guns that can be purchased? Should safety locks be required? Answers to these questions involve issues that go beyond research on firearm violence.

These policy questions cannot be informed by current studies. Available data are too weak to support strong conclusions. Therefore, we believe that one of the most pressing needs is to pursue the data and research that are needed to fill knowledge gaps and, in turn, inform debate in this important policy area. Our committee identified key approaches to strengthen the research base on firearms and violence. We also believe that the federal government should support a rigorous research program in this area.

Research linking firearms to criminal violence and suicide is limited by a lack of credible data on firearm ownership (including possession and access) and individuals’ encounters with violence. The committee found that the existing data on gun ownership and use are the biggest barriers to better understanding gun violence. Without better data, many basic questions cannot be answered. Such data will not solve all problems of methodology. However, the almost complete absence of this information from the scientific literature makes it extremely difficult to understand the complex interpersonal, social, and other factors that determine whether or not a firearm will be used to commit a violent act.

We’ve gone 21 years since publication of Under the Gun, millions of dollars and thousands of man-hours have been invested in research on gun control and gun violence, and still most of the data is contradictory, useless, or non-existent.

So what does the National Acadamy of Science want? More money to do more studies, of course! After all, that’s what research scientists are for!

I applaud their doggedness.

But here’s the point I want to make. While absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, what we have here is not an absence of evidence. We have decades of evidence. If there were unequivocal evidence that “gun control” was effective at reducing gun violence, shouldn’t decades of research have irrefutably shown that? For example, gun ban control advocates protest shrilly in each state that contemplates “shall-issue” concealed weapon legislation, with dire predictions of “blood in the streets” and murder and mayhem over traffic accidents. They protest that such legislation will result in “more guns on the street” and a subsequent increase in homicide and accidental shootings.

Yet it never happens. And they steadfastly ignore the record of each previous state to enact such legislation, even if those states are adjacent to the one they are currently protesting in. So the National Academies of Science have concluded, “we found no credible evidence that such policies either decrease or increase violent crime.” Had such evidence existed, given the amount of time and money hurled at the question, shouldn’t someone have found it? Tim Lambert says about it:

The conclusion was not that the laws have no effect, but that the evidence doesn’t tell us what effect, if any, the laws have.

If the evidence is studied and found to be inconclusive, how does this differ from the law having no effect? There can be only two conclusions drawn:

(1) The evidence suggests that whatever the effect is, it’s lost in the statistical noise inherent in the data (i.e.: the effect is negligible).

(2) The “evidence” is so distorted that the signal-to-noise ratio overwhelms the data so that no useful information can be extracted.

My position is, obviously, option (1). Tim’s is, equally obviously, option (2). But understand, the gun ban position is that gun violence will go up, and that doesn’t happen unless you cherry-pick your data. The John Lott position is that gun violence will go down – and that doesn’t happen unless you cherry-pick your data. When you throw in all the so-called “research” done by advocates, the noise overwhelms the signal. But if the research is done by non-advocates (there must be some), the signal is still lost in the statistical noise. The conclusion I draw is that “shall-issue” laws don’t have a noticeable effect on overall violent crime – but they have a definite effect for those few who exercise the ability to carry concealed and who have used their concealed weapons defensively. Without those laws, those people would very probably have been crime victims, and today they are not.

This is a net good. As I said in a comment at Tim’s:

If the worst you can say about “shall issue” is that it doesn’t provably reduce crime, then I’m all for it, since it positively expands the right to arms. BUT if you cannot prove beyond doubt that “gun control” reduces crime, then I strongly recommend rolling back “gun control” laws to restore an infringed right to the people who were promised in writing that it wouldn’t be infringed.

I’d like to finish this piece with another quote from the conclusion of Under the Gun:

The progressive’s indictment of American firearms policy is well known and is one that both the senior authors of this study once shared. This indictment includes the following particulars: (1) Guns are involved in an astonishing number of crimes in this country. (2) In other countries with stricter firearms laws and fewer guns in private hands, gun crime is rare. (3) Most of the firearms involved in crime are cheap Saturday Night Specials, for which no legitimate use or need exists. (4) Many families acquire such a gun because they feel the need to protect themselves; eventually they end up shooting one another. (5) If there were fewer guns around, there would obviously be less crime. (6) Most of the public also believes this and has favored stricter gun control laws for as long as anyone has asked the question. (7) Only the gun lobby prevents us from embarking on the road to a safer and more civilized society.

The more deeply we have explored the empirical implications of this indictment, the less plausible it has become. We wonder, first, given the number of firearms presently available in the United States, whether the time to “do something” about them has not long since passed. If we take the highest plausible value for the total number of gun incidents in any given year – 1,000,000 – and the lowest plausible value for the total number of firearms now in private hands – 100,000,000 – we see rather quickly that the guns now owned exceed the annual incident count by a factor of at least 100. This means that the existing stock is adequate to supply all conceivable criminal purposes for at least the entire next century, even if the worldwide manufacture of new guns were halted today and if each presently owned firearm were used criminally once and only once. Short of an outright house-to-house search and seizure mission, just how are we going to achieve some significant reduction in the number of firearms available?

If “the number of guns” is the cause of gun crime in America, which is a shibboleth of the gun-ban crowd, then Wright, Rossi, and Daly just hit on the fundamental truth of gun control in America. They understand it. We understand it. And we believe the gun ban crowd understands it, however much they protest that they don’t want to confiscate anything.

Having a Wonderful Time

Over at Tim Lambert’s blog arguing the London Sunday Telegraph‘s “bash-a-burglar” campaign with his commenters.

Unfortunately, I’m going to be incommunicado the next two days. Damn.

UPDATE, 12/15: Back at it again. I love a “target rich” environment.

I Love Living in Arizona

From a thread at AR15.com:

My son turned 11 last week, so Saturday afternoon we took him and a bunch of his friends to the local pizza joint / video arcade. A nice way to spend the afternoon….the adults sit around, eat pizza, drink beer and BS while the kids play video games.

Late in the afternoon I was wandering the arcade and found my son playing one of the shoot ’em up games with the tethered pistol that you “shoot” at the video screen. My son was really getting into the game and started holding the pistol sideways – gangsta style. My first reaction as I walked up was to say “Stop that. You know better.”

The mother of one of his friends looked at me and asked “Is he not allowed to play violent games? I don’t allow MY children to play them.”

I replied, “Sure, he can play them, but he’s not allowed to have bad form. Son, square up your stance, use both hands, and don’t cross your thumbs.”

She was still spluttering when I walked away.

From a Phoenix member.

The London Sunday Telegraph Hasn’t Given Up Yet

Here is today’s entry into the Telegraph‘s efforts to alter the law to allow home defenders to use lethal force in defense of themselves and their property:

DPP: We must be able to fight off burglars
By John Steele, Home Affairs Correspondent, and George Jones
(Filed: 09/12/2004)

The right of home-owners to act in self-defence was backed by the Director of Public Prosecutions yesterday. He said people wanted to feel safe in their homes.

Well DUH!

In an exclusive interview with The Telegraph, Ken Macdonald, who is responsible for nearly 3,000 prosecuting lawyers in the Crown Prosecution Service in England and Wales, said that many burglaries took place when people were at home.

Like over half?

Prosecutors must recognise that householders who injured or killed in confrontations with intruders acted instinctively and in fear – and it was the fault of burglars that the owner felt frightened.

Tell that to the prosecutor that brought charges against Brett Osborne.

“If people do not feel safe in their homes, we are all in a very serious situation,” Mr Macdonald said.

“You should feel safe everywhere but you really should feel safe in your own home.”

He made his attempt to reassure the public that prosecutors were on the side of the home-owner, not the burglar, as Tony Blair publicly backed the call for greater self-defence powers for householders.

During heated exchanges in the Commons with Michael Howard, the Conservative leader, the Prime Minister abandoned the Government’s previous stance that a change in the law was not necessary.

Challenged to support a private member’s Bill introduced by a Tory MP to ensure that householders would not face prosecution unless they used “grossly disproportionate” force in self-defence, Mr Blair acknowledged there was public concern over recent violent attacks by burglars.

Pardon me, but who gets to determine what’s “grossly disproportionate”? Tim Lambert indicates that Brett Osborne stabbed Wayne Halling in the back. So? If lethal force is justified, what difference does the entry wound angle matter? Does that make it “grossly disproportionate”? Apparently so. So it would appear to me that the proposed new law is, in effect, no different from the existing law.

One fact seems clear: Parliament isn’t going to pass a “Make My Day” law, but Patrick Mercer, author of the current legislation says Osborne would not have been prosecuted under his bill.

Let me settle that issue now. The term “not grossly disproportionate” will allow home owners a much greater degree of latitude in tackling burglars. They will be able to do whatever they think is necessary to defend themselves when confronted by an intruder. What they will not be entitled to do is chase a burglar down the street and plunge a knife into his back once he is off their property. My Bill is not a licence to commit murder – it is not an English version of the Oklahoma law that indemnifies home-owners from prosecution no matter what they do to an intruder.

Under my Bill, the farmer Tony Martin would still have broken the law – for he shot Fred Barras, one of the two burglars who entered his house, in the back as he was running away. Martin’s use of force was grossly disproportionate. If he had injured or even killed Barras in a struggle to repel him and his partner-in-crime while they were in his home, then Martin’s actions would – under my Bill – have been perfectly legal.

Earlier this year, The Sunday Telegraph highlighted the case of Brett Osborn, who is now in prison because he defended himself against an intruder. Under my legislation, there would be no question of prosecuting a man such as Osborn. He stabbed a blood-covered, drug-crazed intruder who forced his way into a house to molest one of the women staying with him. Mr Osborn confronted and fought with the intruder and in the struggle stabbed him with a kitchen knife.

Osborn is serving a five-year sentence for manslaughter. One of the issues that led to the decision to prosecute him for murder was that he failed to “warn the intruder that he had a knife and might stab him with it if he did not desist”.

This is preposterous – but it is the kind of thing that happens under the present law. Cases such as Osborn’s give the lie to the claim, made so often by government law officers, that “no one has been unjustly convicted” under the existing legislation. Many more people have had to endure the stress and strain of having a prosecution hanging over their heads for months – only for the judge to dismiss the case as “manifestly absurd” once it comes to court. Those people do not end up in prison but they do suffer the protracted torture of the legal process.

Under my Bill, no one will be prosecuted for taking the kind of action Osborn took. We will frame the Bill’s language very carefully to ensure that result.

Pardon me if I take that with a grain of salt. Anyway, continuing with the original Telegraph piece:

He said the Government was looking at whether the law needed to be clarified “so that we send a clear signal to people that we are on the side of the victim not the offender.

I think it’s more than fair to say that, thus far, that signal has been clear as mud.

“Mr Macdonald said it was for Parliament, not the Crown Prosecution Service, to decide whether the law on self-defence against intruders should be changed.

He challenged the public perception that homeowners were being taken to court for tackling burglars. The CPS knew of few such prosecutions beyond the case of Tony Martin, the Norfolk farmer who was jailed for shooting dead a 16-year-old burglar.

But those few have received a LOT of press.

“There have been cases in which burglars have been stabbed or shot and we have not prosecuted,” he said.

And those cases have received very little press. So the public has been convinced that acting in one’s own defense is legally risky, and so have the burglars.

But Mr Macdonald acknowledged that the right of self-defence was a legitimate concern, as so many burglaries took place when people were at home.

He cited the case of a couple who were upstairs in their bedroom, with their children in the next room, when they heard a noise downstairs and were worried that the intruder might be armed.

“Let’s suppose he turns out not to be armed,” Mr Macdonald said. “That does not matter. It is what the householder believes.

“If you put yourself in that individual’s position, that is what we as prosecutors ask ourselves. What is excessive in that situation?

“What could be more frightening than going downstairs and finding some man in a balaclava in your kitchen?”

Mr Macdonald said it was the right of a person to use legal force to defend himself, or another person, to defend property or to prevent crime.

Note that: “LEGAL” force, not “LETHAL” force.

The law recognised that people who were being attacked were frightened and it needed to recognise that people who were being attacked could not judge precisely their response

“When people are frightened, they behave in ways they would not behave if they were not. Frankly, it is the burglar’s fault that the person is frightened.

“We are not saying that if someone is burgling your house, you had better stop and think really hard, because the law does not expect that and we are not calling for that.” Mr Macdonald said the police had to conduct an investigation when they arrived at premises and found a body.

But, as a prosecutor, he would look for clear evidence of “very excessive force” before considering a prosecution.

But, unstated, is the idea that lethal force is, by definition, “very excessive.”

“If it is not excessive, it is reasonable,” he said. Chasing an intruder down the street, for example, and stabbing him could not fall into the category of self-defence.

Now when did the citizen lose his power to apprehend a criminal fleeing from the scene of a crime? When did that become the exclusive power of the Police? When was Sir Robert Peel’s Seventh Principle invalidated?

Police, at all times, should maintain a relationship with the public that gives reality to the historic tradition that the police are the public and the public are the police; the police being only members of the public who are paid to give full-time attention to duties which are incumbent on every citizen in the interests of community welfare and existence.

Isn’t capture of a fleeing criminal a net societal good? Is that not a duty incumbent on the citizen? And if that fleeing criminal resists arrest, and dies in that resistance, why is that not a case of self-defense? Tim Lambert provided some pages from a law text a while back that stated:

So where a policeman shot dead a man who was unarmed and had already surrendered he was still entitled to claim his action was in self-defence if he honestly believed this to be the situation. The test is whether his action was reasonable in the situation as he perceived it, rather than it actually was.

It appears, then, that there is a double-standard for police and for regular citizens. (Aside from the fact that regular citizens are pretty much prohibited from using firearms in self defense.)

Mr Blair’s clash with Mr Howard over the need to give householders greater rights of self-defence occurred during Prime Minister’s Questions.

Mr Blair said the Government would now consult chief police officers, the Crown Prosecution Service and the Attorney General on whether the law should be changed.

He said he shared the “general comments” of Sir John Stevens, the outgoing Metropolitan Police commissioner, who told The Telegraph that householders should be able to use whatever force was necessary to defend their homes.

“I understand the concern on this issue,” Mr Blair said. “So if we get the right response back from those people, then of course we will support a change in the law.”
The Government has put law and order and the fight against terrorism at the heart of its legislative programme for what is expected to be the last session of Parliament before the election.

But Mr Blair is worried that the Tories have exposed Labour’s flank by demanding greater rights for householder protection.

Sir John welcomed Mr Blair’s backing of a review of householders’ rights to tackle burglars.

He said last night that the law needed to be changed. Since the Martin case, people had found it difficult to know what they could do.

“I have not come out with this comment off the top of my head. It is as a result of listening to what people say.”

Tim Lambert has finally weighed in on the topic, calling the Telegraph‘s campaign “cynical and dishonest.” Color me surprised. The funny part?

The truly disgraceful thing about their scare campaign is that it could convince people that self-defence is unlawful and frighten them out of defending themselves against an attacker, resulting in injury or even death of a crime victim. I am disgusted.

Note to Tim: They’re already so convinced. They’re already dying. And it’s you who will not recognize this fact, and I’m disgusted by that.

Perhaps Tim didn’t see the report on the home-invasion assaults on 89 year-old Annie Hendrick and 81 year-old Sally Skidmore. That report stated:

(A) survey conducted by The Sunday Telegraph showed overwhelming public support for a change in the law to give people new powers to fight back against intruders.

The poll, conducted by ICM, revealed that
72 per cent of people believe that the current law, allowing householders to use only “reasonable force” against intruders, is “inadequate and ill-defined”.

A similar proportion, 71 per cent, say that householders should have an unqualified right to use force, if necessary deadly force, against people breaking into their homes.

More than half (51 per cent) do not believe that the police can protect householders against intruders; 70 per cent believe the government could do more to reduce the risk of burglaries; and an overwhelming 81 per cent say burglars should not have any rights to to sue householders if they, the intruders, suffer any injuries during the break-in.

I guess that 72% are all just “gullible gunners.”

And I’d appreciate it if Tim could tell me how these two old ladies were supposed to defend themselves against multiple young male attackers? After all,

Consider two scenarios:

1. Attacker has a gun. Defender does not.

2. Attacker does not have a gun. Defender doesn’t either.

Self defence is possible in the second scenario while it isn’t in the first one. Is that clear now?

Right, Tim. Neither the attackers nor the defenders in these two cases had guns (that we know of). So the old ladies had every opportunity to defend themselves, right?

And I suppose Tim didn’t see the story about the home-invasion murder of an 85 year-old grandmother, who dialed 999 to report a burglary in progress. Nor did he read the stories of previous victims the Telegraph reported. One was Eric Butler, the gentleman mentioned in Dave Kopel’s All the Way Down the Slippery Slope who said:

“The concept of reasonable force is nonsense. I should know: when I defended myself, I had the book thrown at me.”

In 1987, Mr Butler’s plight provoked an outcry. He was attacked on a London Underground train by a man who kicked him in the face, grabbed him by the throat and began banging his head against the carriage.

Only Mr Butler knew that the walking stick he carried concealed a four-inch ornamental blade. As the grip around his neck tightened and he felt his consciousness fade, Mr Butler unsheathed the blade and fought back.

The attacker was taken to hospital with abdominal wounds and later received an 18-month prison sentence. Mr Butler was convicted of carrying an offensive weapon, fined £200 and given a 28-day suspended prison sentence. On appeal the sentence was quashed but the fine raised to £300.

How dare he carry a weapon with which to defend himself! He should have just allowed his attacker to choke him to death like any good prole!

Or what about Mark Mercer:

“At long last someone is coming out against the asinine law that protects burglars’ rights.”

In January Mr Mercer, who owns a security camera company, held a burglar at bay with his pocket knife while his wife, Mary, telephoned the police. A second intruder escaped.

“As we waited for the police our burglar, who had a small injury that did not require so much as a sticking plaster, sat on our sofa and announced, ‘I am going to sue you for this.’

“These men entered our house noisily, presumably confident that we would not dare to disturb them.

“What really gets me is that they felt secure in their belief that if action was taken against them they could probably do better out of the compensation than they could out of the burglary.”

But the Telegraph‘s campaign is going to frighten the public and prevent them from defending themselves?

Then we have Simon Jones, former police officer and apparently a victim of the Telegraph‘s disgusting propaganda:

“If the definition of reasonable force was cleared up, there wouldn’t be the problem of criminals suing for compensation. Everyone would know where they stood.”

Mr Jones confronted armed burglars in his home last year, outside a room where his wife and two-year-old daughter were cowering. When they pulled out a 7in knife and threatened to cut his head off, Mr Jones gave them the keys to the Volvo and the Mercedes on his drive. The men were never caught. “I would like to know, for future reference: is the golf club by my bed a weapon or not?”

If a former police officer doesn’t know, how the is the rest of the public supposed to? I’d also like to know how England’s knife laws managed to disarm the attacker with the 7″ blade, and how Mr. Jones was supposed to defend himself and his family from multiple burglars with his golf club.

No, I guess Tim must have missed those pieces. Read the rest of those stories, if you haven’t already.

In related news, Lord Goldsmith, the government’s attorney-general, protested that a change in the law would infringe on a burglar’s right to protection from violence! And to that my response is, SO? Read that whole piece, and think of the mantra repeated by the anti-gun forces when CCW is considered: “Wild-west,” “blood in the streets,” “road-rage shootouts over fender-benders.” It’s precisely the same psychology: Don’t trust your fellow citizens.

Then there’s this piece that discusses Tim’s position:

Some people say the present law works just fine for householders — these people would disagree
By Karyn Miller
(Filed: 12/12/2004)

Jon Pritchett threw off the bedcovers, reached for his 12-bore shotgun and ran out into the garden where the shrill sound of his burglar alarm was piercing through the chilled darkness. Instinctively, he fired four warning shots into the air. Or, at least they were intended as warning shots.

There were two burglars that night at the property in Borough Green, Kent, but unknown to Mr Pritchett, 60, one was crouched on the roof of his barn. Until then, the burglars’ evening had been going well. They had been raiding the barn’s store of wine made from the grapes on Mr Pritchett’s small vineyard. As the bullets went whizzing by, one of the burglars was hit in the arm, while the other fled for dear life.

With his heart still pounding wildly, Mr Pritchett telephoned the police for help. They arrived 45 minutes later – and promptly arrested him.

The two burglars, both drug addicts with a string of convictions between them, were found guilty but walked free on probation for two years. When one of the men was asked if the incident had put him off burglary, he said: “It shook me up, certainly.”

Their victim was also shaken up, but his real ordeal was just beginning. It highlights why The Sunday Telegraph launched the “Right to Fight Back” campaign to allow people to protect their homes and families from violent intruders without fear of prosecution or claims for compensation from burglars injured while breaking the law.
Last week Tony Blair, Michael Howard, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Director of Public Prosecutions, among others, lined up to voice their support for the campaign. However, some critics argue that a change in the law is unnecessary because any householders who are arrested and charged invariably end up being acquitted. Such opponents have clearly never been in the same position as that of Mr Pritchett.

The 60-year-old businessman was stripped naked before being made to wear only a paper boiler suit for his overnight stay in a filthy police cell. Ten years on, the memory of the ordeal causes his voice to crack and falter and he struggles to get the words out.

“My wife and I don’t talk about what happened, because it is still upsetting and Margaret doesn’t like it,” Mr Pritchett said. “This is the first time I have talked about it for a long time,” he said.

“On the night it happened and I was taken away, Margaret was left in the house. Naturally, she was distraught. She didn’t sleep for the rest of that night. She was left on her own – no one was with her.”

When the police attempted to interview Mr Pritchett the next morning, he opened his mouth to explain what happened and nothing came out. He had developed a severe stammer overnight. “It was partly due to the stress of what had happened,” he said. “I really thought I had killed someone. And it was partly due to being shut in a dirty cell, not knowing what would happen next. They had to call the police surgeon for me. He said it was shock.”

Mr Pritchett was bailed and sent home but six months later he was charged with three counts of intent to cause grievous bodily harm. Another six months after that – a period he describes as one of “stomach-churning fear” – the case finally came to court. “Can you just imagine: sitting there for six months, not knowing what would happen to you? It was horrendous.

“When it came to the preliminary hearing, the counsel for the Crown said in my presence – which I found quite astounding – that he didn’t know why the Director of Public Prosecutions was pursuing this case because the Crown hadn’t a hope in hell of winning it. Why they did [pursue it], I still don’t know.”

Mr Pritchett was tried before a judge and jury, cleared of all charges and left to pick up the pieces of his life with nothing but an award of £10 compensation for the damage done to his property during the burglary. He sleeps through the night now but still suffers from a stammer and surfaces “like a machine-gun” whenever he is anxious or upset. “You have to get on, but life is never the same,” he says, sadly.

Four years ago, in attempt to leave the experience behind them, Mr Pritchett, now 69, and his wife Margaret, 71, emigrated to Western Australia. At about the same time, in the summer of 2000, Lee Gapper, a 20-year-old builder from Peterborough, interrupted a burglar in his home.

He fought the man off with a baseball bat while his lodger, George Goodayle, also 20, tackled the burglar with his fists. The blows had the desired effect and the man, a local heroin addict, fled empty handed. Mr Gapper immediately telephoned the police to tell them what had happened – only to find himself handcuffed, bundled into the back of a police van and charged, by a grinning constable, with attempted manslaughter.

“Two police officers came,” he recalled. “One shook my hand and said, `Good on you.’ The other officer, who was younger, threw the book at me. Someone radioed through to say that they had found the burglar at his mum’s house, bleeding. The younger policeman said that it wasn’t looking good for me. He said that I had used `unreasonable force’. They asked us to stay in my house. I was petrified.

“At dinner time, two more officers came to the house and arrested us both. One of them was smirking. I felt so sick. I had called them and I had been truthful about what happened. I expected that they would take me to the station, maybe interview me in the waiting room, to find out what I had done and why. That would have been fair enough. I didn’t expect to be handcuffed.

“I did use a lot of force. But you have such an adrenaline rush and your heart beats so fast, when you find a burglar. When you don’t know what to expect, the first thing you do is lash out with whatever you have to hand.”

The burglar, who was taken to hospital with a broken wrist, fractured elbow, cracked ribs and a fractured skull, was later sent to prison for one year. Meanwhile, the attempted manslaughter charge against Mr Gapper, which carries a maximum sentence of life imprisonment, was never formally dropped.

“The worst thing was living in fear and worrying,” he said, though he adds that the death threats, the bricks coming through the window at night and the children taunting and spitting at him on the street rank highly. “I don’t think you can recover from that. I don’t think I ever will. Being in that police cell was a more distressing experience than confronting the burglar, if I’m honest.”

There are others, many others, who can attest to this. In 1995, Nick Baungartner fought to the death with an armed burglar at his home in Ockbrook, Derbyshire. Armed with a shovel, Robert Ingham, 22, ambushed Mr Baungartner, a tennis court builder from Hungary who was 53 at the time of the attack. The struggle lasted for 20 minutes and Mr Baungartner broke bones in both his hands. The burglar died of a neck injury, which had cut the blood supply to his brain and caused heart failure.

Mr Baungartner had to wait three weeks while the Crown Prosecution Service deliberated over his case, before he was told that he would not be charged. “My life is shattered,” he told a reporter at the time.

A year later, an inquest concluded that Ingham’s death was accidental. But even five years on Mr Baungartner was reported to have said: “I have not been able to work since. I still have pain in my wrist and in my face where I was kicked and punched.”

In the same Derbyshire village in August this year, Kenneth Faulkner, a 72-year-old farmer, was being burgled for the third time. On this, the latest occasion, he fired a shotgun at an intruder who was trying to gain access to a garage at his home. The 22-year-old man, who was wounded in the leg. Mr Faulkner was arrested after he dialled 999 to report what had happened, but in October a sympathetic judge declared that his actions “could not be criticised”.

“I just want to get on with my life now,” was all Mr Faulkner would say outside the courtroom. “It’s something I want to forget.”

The same month, Arlindo Caeiro, 33, a Portuguese-born bar supervisor living in Great Yarmouth, Norfolk, was arrested on suspicion of assault after he stabbed an intruder in his family home with a breadknife. The man had attacked him with an iron bar. The case was dropped in September, but Mr Caeiro sent his 14-month-old daughter back to Portugal with a view to following her. “I have been through agony,” he said. “The solicitor at the police station said my case was like Tony Martin’s.”

Despite such well-documented cases, Ken MacDonald, the Director of Public Prosecutions who earlier this week backed the rights of householders to defend their homes against intruders, challenged the idea that people who did so were prosecuted. Mr MacDonald said that he knew of few such cases beyond that of Tony Martin, the Norfolk farmer who was jailed for shooting dead a 16-year-old burglar.

Yesterday, from his home in Australia with his wife at his side, an upset Jon Pritchett took issue with the comments. “That’s a load of tripe,” he said angrily.

“We went through a whole year of hell. If The Sunday Telegraph’s campaign gives other people the right to defend their homes against those who wish to destroy their lives, I hope it succeeds.”

Right, Tim. The law works perfectly, and it’s just us “gullible gunners” who think it needs to be changed.

Maybe Someday You’ll Read a Story Like This Coming From England

But not soon, I’d say. Via Zendo Deb of TFS Magnum comes this heartwarming story of how a man’s grandsons decided to defend their grandfather after his home had been burglarized twice before – the first time while he was at home:

Grandsons thwart attempted break-in

BY KATHIE O. WARCO, Staff writer

Brian Reihner discounts any notion that he and his brother, Bob, are heroes. But North Franklin Township police Chief Mark Kavakich credits them for possibly saving their grandfather’s life during a home invasion early Thursday.

Steven A. Wallace, 19, of 930 W. Chestnut St., Washington, was arrested shortly after he allegedly forced his way into the Sylvan Drive home of Daniel Denman, only to be confronted by the Reihners. Police said he broke into the house about 2:30 a.m. by forcing in plywood covering a door damaged in a previous break-in.

The brothers decided to stay with their grandfather after two break-ins in the previous four days. During the first home invasion late Saturday or early Sunday, Denman was confronted by three black men who then stole cash and a compact disc player.

His house was burglarized Tuesday when he was not home. Stolen in that break-in were rolls of state quarters.

“We were just catnapping,” Brian Reihner said, recalling the events of early Thursday. “I could hear him come in. I just waited until he came around the corner. Then my brother turned on the light.”

The brothers were armed with rifles. Wallace pulled out a .38-cal. handgun that police later learned had been stolen in Pittsburgh.

“He grabbed my brother’s rifle and pulled him down,” Reihner said. “I stepped back but kept my rifle on him. I told him to just leave.”

Wallace left, telling the brothers that they did not know him. He was caught a short time later by Washington police after security officers at Washington Crown Center saw him running across the parking lot. He had the gun in his pocket.

“Something had to be done,” Reihner said. “I was afraid he’d do bodily harm to my grandfather. He was there for the money and would have done whatever it takes to get it.”

Wallace was arraigned before District Justice J. Albert Spence on charges of burglary, aggravated assault, receiving stolen property, reckless endangerment, criminal trespass, defiant trespass, carrying unlicensed firearms and possessing instruments of a crime. He was placed in Washington County Jail on $25,000 bond.

Wallace also faces charges in connection with Tuesday’s burglary after police found rolls of coins reportedly stolen from Denman’s home. Kavakich said the coins were found in Wallace’s backpack. Denman told police he kept the state coins in quarter rolls.

In the break-ins on Tuesday and Thursday, Kavakich believes another man was with Wallace. Two sets of footprints were found outside the house Tuesday. Kavakich believes a second person was scared off Thursday morning by the commotion inside the house.

Police are looking for a “person of interest” from the Chartiers-Houston area based on items found in Wallace’s backpack. Kavakich said Washington police also are talking with Wallace about a robbery last Friday.

“I’m not a hero,” Reihner said. “I did what anyone would have done.”

Kavakich said the Reihners’ actions were commendable.

“This is how kids should take care of their grandparents,” Kavakich said. “They stepped up and may have saved their grandfather’s life.”

Finally! A police chief who doesn’t tell people that they “took the law into their own hands” and chastises them for doing the right thing! I wonder how old the Reihner brothers are?

The only thing I’d change in that story? When Wallace pulled the .38 he should have been ventilated. But they were the men on the ground at the time, and I won’t second-guess them. Kudos for their actions.

Ben Stein is a Self-Confessed Felon

In the latest Spectator, Ben Stein has a piece entitled Col. Denman’s Luger. It begins:

A few days ago, a package arrived in the mail from the widow of my late father-in-law, Colonel Dale Denman, Jr., of Heber Springs, Arkansas. I opened it and there was a leather holster and inside it, a German Luger pistol. My father-in-law had taken it from a captured German officer in early 1945 and kept it for almost sixty years. He had left his wife instructions that I was to get it.

I’m very happy for Ben that he has received this important heirloom and piece of history, and that he keeps it in a drawer next to his bed, but by receiving a handgun via U.S. Mail, instead of receiving it via common-carrier or through a Federal Firearms Licensee, he has violated federal law, to wit:

May a nonlicensee ship a firearm through the U. S. Postal Service?



A nonlicensee may mail a shotgun or rifle to a resident of his or her own state or to a licensee in any state. Handguns are not mailable. A common or contract carrier must be used to ship a handgun. A nonlicensee may not transfer any firearm to a nonlicensed resident of another state. The Postal Service recommends that longguns be sent by registered mail and that no marking of any kind which would indicate the nature of the contents be placed on the outside of any parcel containing firearms.

If the gun shipped from Heber Springs, Arkansas to Ben in Hollywood, it was an interstate transfer, and that transfer must be through an FFL dealer.

So Ben Stein has been party to not one, but two federal felonies, to which he has confessed in print. Ben says in his piece:

I have relatives and friends who get out of bed every morning and do an hour of exercise to keep them fit. I don’t do that. My exercise is that I get out of bed and hit my knees and thank God for waking up in America, where I live in peace and freedom, no Gestapo chasing me, no KGB putting me in the Gulag, no Hamas blowing me up. All thanks to men like Col. Denman and the heroism he showed capturing this Luger.

Except that, by confessing his crime, the BATFE’s jackboot squad can now get a warrant and perform a dynamic-entry on Mr. Stein’s home to arrest him and confiscate his illegal Luger – or worse.

Of course, this won’t happen since Ben Stein is a politically connected celebrity, but it could happen to you or me if we were similarly ignorant of the law.

We have no Gestapo or KGB, but we do have some stupid damned laws and some unrestrained government agencies with a known history of excessive use of force and petty prosecution.

Good luck, Ben.

What “Aggressive Edge”?

Via Head’s Bunker I found the Belmont Club piece on this advice column for potential “hot” burglary victims in Britain.

Read them all, in reverse order: “advice” column, analysis, commentary.

Head? I’m in complete agreement.

And let me borrow a picture from Gunner of No Quarters in relation to Wretchard’s invocation of Orwell’s 1984, and the quotation used in the picture:

If you can’t read it, it says:

“If you want a vision of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face… forever.”

To which Wretchard has appended:

He forgot to add one thing: you will polish the boot.