HillaryCare.

Zendo Deb goes point-by-point down a curiously overlooked bit of news – Hillary Clinton’s “Plan for Reducing Health Care Costs” that was recently published in Medical News Today. First published on May 25, a quick Google News search shows the only really national coverage of her plan comes from a (pretty short) OpinionJournal piece. A quick check of Technorati shows that nobody paid much attention to that speece in the blogosphere, either. Pretty much everyone is talking about her “from each according to their abilities, to each according to their needs” speech advocating socialism. (Well, that’s my interpretation. And the interpretation of about 90% of the commenters.)

Read Deb’s take on her health-care plan, though. Excerpt:

5. Improve the quality of care to help drive down costs:

This statement means nothing. It is like saying she is in favor of Apple Pie. Imagine a statement that is just the opposite. “Ruin the quality of care to help drive up costs.” I am all for driving bad doctors out of health care, but by and large I think she is saying “spend more government money” but not saying where – exactly – it will be spent or where – exactly – it will come from.

This is known as “speaking politically.”

Better Late than Never.

But still about 20 30 years too late: The UK Countryside Alliance organizes the First-ever National Shooting Week.

The first-ever National Shooting Week was launched on Monday 21st May at the National Shooting Centre at Bisley, known as ‘the home of shooting’.

From Saturday May 26th to Sunday June 3rd, thousands of people across the UK will try one of the most exciting Olympic sports during National Shooting Week.

Shooting schools and clubs are putting on more than 200 open days across the country so the public can try shooting for the first time.

I will be fascinated to see what the turnout for this looks like.

(via Uncle.)

UPDATE, 5/28:

Minister urges teenagers to take up shooting

(UK Telegraph, 5/27/07)

Anti-gun campaigners have accused the Government of making a U-turn on firearms after a minister urged teenagers to take up shooting to improve their behaviour.

Richard Caborn, the sports minister, has backed a drive by shooting groups to increase participation in the sport among children as young as 12. He believes that the sport helps young people to become more responsible and disciplined, and vowed that significant funds would be made available to help boost participation.

I’ll believe that when I see it.

Handguns were banned in Britain in 1996 following the Dunblane massacre, in which 16 children and their teacher were killed at a primary school.

Previously, the Government has taken steps to crack down on shooting by increasing the age limit for buying air weapons, as well as banning handguns.

After five gun murders in February in London alone, Tony Blair warned that 17-year-olds could face mandatory five-year sentences for possessing illegal guns.

What? The ASBOs are proving ineffective?

“We want to boost the number of people who take part in shooting sports, particularly among young adults,” Mr Caborn told The Sunday Telegraph. “We are investing £600 million in developing medal winners for 2012 and shooting will benefit greatly from that.”

Schools have been encouraged to increase the involvement of young people in shooting sports and Mr Caborn welcomed the first National Shooting Week, which begins this weekend, as a good way to raise levels of participation.

Though according to the first commenter to this post, none of that £600 million apparently went towards advertising National Shooting Week.

He has already upset the anti-gun lobby by supporting moves to relax the ban on handguns in the hope of boosting Britain’s chances of winning pistol-shooting medals at the 2012 London Olympics. Lending his support to the week-long campaign has raised its fears further. However, a Labour Party document, for which he wrote the foreword, argues that there is a need to work with shooting organisations to develop ways “to demystify firearms”.

How did this guy end up as a minister in Britain’s government?

The party has published a Charter for Shooting, which it released after promising in the 2005 general election to ensure that country sports would be protected.

In the charter, it says that Labour is fully supportive of shooting organisations. -“Government ministers have noted the benefits of introducing young people to the sport in terms of developing habits of safety, self-discipline and responsibility,” it says.

However, Gill Marshall-Andrews, the chairman of the Gun Control Network, said that she was alarmed by Mr Caborn’s backing for National Shooting Week, which aims to introduce people to shooting for the first time and improve people’s understanding of guns.

“The Government should be ashamed of itself for putting its energies into encouraging people to take up shooting when we should be ensuring that there are fewer and fewer guns available,” she said. “By backing this initiative they’re sending out the wrong message.”

Ms. Marshall-Andrews? They’ve tried that. And failed miserably. Repeating the same actions over and over while expecting a different outcome is defined as “insanity.”

Mrs Marshall-Andrews accused the Government of helping to make guns seem acceptable and of creating a society in which they will become prevalent.

And this is the part I love:

Since 1997, firearms crimes have risen from 12,410 to 21,521 in 2005/06 (an increase of 73 per cent), including incidents involving handguns, which have nearly doubled in this period, from 2,636 to 4,671, despite their being banned.

(Emphasis mine.) “Will become prevalent”?

However, according to David Penn, the secretary of the British Shooting Sports Council, an umbrella body for shooting groups, there is no correlation between gun crime and the level of gun ownership.

“To own a gun, people have to go through rigorous checks and it takes a long time,” he said. “People who argue that these guns are falling into the wrong hands obviously don’t understand the real statistics.”

• Ministers are dragging their feet over the introduction of laws to tackle imitation firearms, campaigners claim. Legislation banning the import or manufacture of realistic fake guns, of the kind used by criminals to threaten victims, was approved by Parliament last year. However, the measure is not due to take effect until this autumn.

Yes, banning look-alike guns is really going to help. What’s next? Banning “super-soaker” squirt-guns?

Nasty Factses. Ugly Factses. We HATES ‘Em!

The Anchoress authors a thoroughly link strewn post, Let’s do it; Let’s Impeach Bush, that I strongly recommend to everyone – especially those suffering from Bush Derangement Syndrome. For one thing, I love watching people experience cognitive dissonance – they’re so cute when they deny reality – and for those who can’t quite manage it, watching blood leak from their eyes and ears as their systolic pressure spikes into the stratosphere is almost as rewarding.

Yes, by all means! Let’s have hearings!

UPDATE, 5/28: Roger puts it all together in a video:

http://RodgerS.smartvideochannel.com/media/flvplayer2.swf?autoStart=0&popup=1&video=http%3a%2f%2fRodgerS.smartvideochannel.com%2fmedia%2fgetflashvideo.ashx%3fcid%3d9775E8E2A6C748EA90B20D1595436AAC
Replay video | Share video | Watch more videos

“The big problem for the GOP leadership is that they’ve lost their credibility. “

And they still don’t understand it. This was clear a year ago when we talked to then-GOP chair Ken Mehlman, and it’s much, much truer now. As a reader emails: “No credibility to fall back on. No reserve of good will to fall back on. No record to fall back on. No successes to fall back on.”

And as Dan Riehl said earlier this week, Republicans were given a wakeup call with the 2006 elections, and they opted to hit snooze.

Via Instapundit.

With nothing to fall back on, perhaps they should consider falling forward.

As in, “on their swords.”

Al Gore’s Internet

Al Gore has another book coming out. This one’s not about how the world is going to be destroyed by Global Climate Change if we don’t immediately cut back to a subsistence agriculture society. No, this one is about how stupid we Americans are. It’s entitled The Assault on Reason. Time magazine has a short excerpt from the book, and you know what? I actually agree with some of what Al has to say – just not necessarily for the same reasons. Let us fisk:

Not long before our nation launched the invasion of Iraq, our longest-serving Senator, Robert Byrd of West Virginia, stood on the Senate floor and said: “This chamber is, for the most part, silent — ominously, dreadfully silent. There is no debate, no discussion, no attempt to lay out for the nation the pros and cons of this particular war. There is nothing. We stand passively mute in the United States Senate.”

Why was the Senate silent?

In describing the empty chamber the way he did, Byrd invited a specific version of the same general question millions of us have been asking: “Why do reason, logic and truth seem to play a sharply diminished role in the way America now makes important decisions?” The persistent and sustained reliance on falsehoods as the basis of policy, even in the face of massive and well-understood evidence to the contrary, seems to many Americans to have reached levels that were previously unimaginable.

And he writes this with (one assumes) a straight face!

A large and growing number of Americans are asking out loud: “What has happened to our country?” People are trying to figure out what has gone wrong in our democracy, and how we can fix it.

A somewhat smaller, but hopefully growing number of people are asking “What has gone wrong with our REPUBLIC?

To take another example, for the first time in American history, the Executive Branch of our government has not only condoned but actively promoted the treatment of captives in wartime that clearly involves torture, thus overturning a prohibition established by General George Washington during the Revolutionary War.

Not to put too fine a point on it, but during the Revolutionary War our opponents wore uniforms and fought in accordance with the rules of honor. If you want a more apt comparison, you need to go back and look at what our government did against the American Indian population before, during and after the Revolutionary War.

How quickly we forget, when it’s convenient.

It is too easy — and too partisan — to simply place the blame on the policies of President George W. Bush. We are all responsible for the decisions our country makes. We have a Congress. We have an independent judiciary. We have checks and balances. We are a nation of laws. We have free speech. We have a free press. Have they all failed us?

It sure looks that way.

Why has America’s public discourse become less focused and clear, less reasoned? Faith in the power of reason — the belief that free citizens can govern themselves wisely and fairly by resorting to logical debate on the basis of the best evidence available, instead of raw power — remains the central premise of American democracy. This premise is now under assault.

American democracy is now in danger — not from any one set of ideas, but from unprecedented changes in the environment within which ideas either live and spread, or wither and die. I do not mean the physical environment; I mean what is called the public sphere, or the marketplace of ideas.

It is simply no longer possible to ignore the strangeness of our public discourse. I know I am not alone in feeling that something has gone fundamentally wrong. In 2001, I had hoped it was an aberration when polls showed that three-quarters of Americans believed that Saddam Hussein was responsible for attacking us on Sept. 11. More than five years later, however, nearly half of the American public still believes Saddam was connected to the attack.

What, no mention of the percentage of people who think that the U.S. Government was complicit? Or directly involved?

At first I thought the exhaustive, nonstop coverage of the O.J. Simpson trial was just an unfortunate excess — an unwelcome departure from the normal good sense and judgment of our television news media. Now we know that it was merely an early example of a new pattern of serial obsessions that periodically take over the airwaves for weeks at a time: the Michael Jackson trial and the Robert Blake trial, the Laci Peterson tragedy and the Chandra Levy tragedy, Britney and KFed, Lindsay and Paris and Nicole.

While American television watchers were collectively devoting 100 million hours of their lives each week to these and other similar stories, our nation was in the process of more quietly making what future historians will certainly describe as a series of catastrophically mistaken decisions on issues of war and peace, the global climate and human survival, freedom and barbarity, justice and fairness. For example, hardly anyone now disagrees that the choice to invade Iraq was a grievous mistake.

Nice to know I sit in the ranks of “hardly anyone.” I guess I get to pick a comfy chair, and there’s lots of elbow room.

Yet, incredibly, all of the evidence and arguments necessary to have made the right decision were available at the time and in hindsight are glaringly obvious.

That is, if your definition of “right” is “leaving Saddam & Sons in power in Iraq after dropping the sanctions against him.” Which explains why the majority of Congress voted for the war before they voted against it.

Those of us who have served in the U.S. Senate and watched it change over time could volunteer a response to Senator Byrd’s incisive description of the Senate prior to the invasion: The chamber was empty because the Senators were somewhere else. Many of them were at fund-raising events they now feel compelled to attend almost constantly in order to collect money—much of it from special interests—to buy 30-second TV commercials for their next re-election campaign.

What?!?! McCain-Feingold didn’t work?!?

I’m shocked.

The Senate was silent because Senators don’t feel that what they say on the floor of the Senate really matters that much anymore — not to the other Senators, who are almost never present when their colleagues speak, and certainly not to the voters, because the news media seldom report on Senate speeches anymore.

In no small part because of the speeches of Senators like Robert Byrd.

Our Founders’ faith in the viability of representative democracy rested on their trust in the wisdom of a well-informed citizenry, their ingenious design for checks and balances, and their belief that the rule of reason is the natural sovereign of a free people. The Founders took great care to protect the openness of the marketplace of ideas so that knowledge could flow freely. Thus they not only protected freedom of assembly, they made a special point — in the First Amendment — of protecting the freedom of the printing press. And yet today, almost 45 years have passed since the majority of Americans received their news and information from the printed word. Newspapers are hemorrhaging readers. Reading itself is in decline. The Republic of Letters has been invaded and occupied by the empire of television.

Which doesn’t cover Senate speeches. And your point is?

Radio, the Internet, movies, cell phones, iPods, computers, instant messaging, video games and personal digital assistants all now vie for our attention — but it is television that still dominates the flow of information. According to an authoritative global study, Americans now watch television an average of 4 hours and 35 minutes every day — 90 minutes more than the world average. When you assume eight hours of work a day, six to eight hours of sleep and a couple of hours to bathe, dress, eat and commute, that is almost three-quarters of all the discretionary time the average American has.

In the world of television, the massive flows of information are largely in only one direction, which makes it virtually impossible for individuals to take part in what passes for a national conversation.

And this was different when newspapers ruled… how, exactly? Because they’d publish your (heavily edited) letter to the editor, maybe, a few weeks after it was no longer timely?

Individuals receive, but they cannot send. They hear, but they do not speak. The “well-informed citizenry” is in danger of becoming the “well-amused audience.” Moreover, the high capital investment required for the ownership and operation of a television station and the centralized nature of broadcast, cable and satellite networks have led to the increasing concentration of ownership by an ever smaller number of larger corporations that now effectively control the majority of television programming in America.

“In danger,” hell. We’re already there. And a “smaller number of larger corporations?” Same for newspapers. And, if you’ll notice, television news is hemorrhaging viewership too.

In practice, what television’s dominance has come to mean is that the inherent value of political propositions put forward by candidates is now largely irrelevant compared with the image-based ad campaigns they use to shape the perceptions of voters. The high cost of these commercials has radically increased the role of money in politics — and the influence of those who contribute it. That is why campaign finance reform, however well drafted, often misses the main point: so long as the dominant means of engaging in political dialogue is through purchasing expensive television advertising, money will continue in one way or another to dominate American politics. And as a result, ideas will continue to play a diminished role. That is also why the House and Senate campaign committees in both parties now search for candidates who are multimillionaires and can buy the ads with their own personal resources.

Oh, please. The #1 job of the elected official is to keep getting re-elected – either to the same seat, or one higher up the totem pole. Money has always ruled. It just costs more to be a player today. So? Back when Pulitzer was manipulating the electorate, Paddy the Milkman couldn’t affect the political system either.

When I first ran for Congress in 1976, I never took a poll during the entire campaign. Eight years later, however, when I ran statewide for the U.S. Senate, I did take polls and like most statewide candidates relied more heavily on electronic advertising to deliver my message. I vividly remember a turning point in that Senate campaign when my opponent, a fine public servant named Victor Ashe who has since become a close friend, was narrowing the lead I had in the polls. After a detailed review of all the polling information and careful testing of potential TV commercials, the anticipated response from my opponent’s campaign and the planned response to the response, my advisers made a recommendation and prediction that surprised me with its specificity: “If you run this ad at this many ‘points’ [a measure of the size of the advertising buy], and if Ashe responds as we anticipate, and then we purchase this many points to air our response to his response, the net result after three weeks will be an increase of 8.5% in your lead in the polls.”

I authorized the plan and was astonished when three weeks later my lead had increased by exactly 8.5%. Though pleased, of course, for my own campaign, I had a sense of foreboding for what this revealed about our democracy. Clearly, at least to some degree, the “consent of the governed” was becoming a commodity to be purchased by the highest bidder. To the extent that money and the clever use of electronic mass media could be used to manipulate the outcome of elections, the role of reason began to diminish.

As a college student, I wrote my senior thesis on the impact of television on the balance of power among the three branches of government. In the study, I pointed out the growing importance of visual rhetoric and body language over logic and reason. There are countless examples of this, but perhaps understandably, the first one that comes to mind is from the 2000 campaign, long before the Supreme Court decision and the hanging chads, when the controversy over my sighs in the first debate with George W. Bush created an impression on television that for many viewers outweighed whatever positive benefits I might have otherwise gained in the verbal combat of ideas and substance. A lot of good that senior thesis did me.

While I’m not surprised at Al’s self-centered example, the one almost everyone else thinks of first is the televised debate between Richard Nixon and John F. Kennedy. The people who heard it on the radio thought Nixon won. The people who saw it on TV thought Kennedy did.

“Never let them see you sweat,” I believe is the expression.

The potential for manipulating mass opinions and feelings initially discovered by commercial advertisers is now being even more aggressively exploited by a new generation of media Machiavellis. The combination of ever more sophisticated public opinion sampling techniques and the increasing use of powerful computers to parse and subdivide the American people according to “psychographic” categories that identify their susceptibility to individually tailored appeals has further magnified the power of propagandistic electronic messaging that has created a harsh new reality for the functioning of our democracy.

As a result, our democracy is in danger of being hollowed out. In order to reclaim our birthright, we Americans must resolve to repair the systemic decay of the public forum. We must create new ways to engage in a genuine and not manipulative conversation about our future. We must stop tolerating the rejection and distortion of science.

AGAIN with a straight face!

We must insist on an end to the cynical use of pseudo-studies known to be false for the purpose of intentionally clouding the public’s ability to discern the truth. Americans in both parties should insist on the re-establishment of respect for the rule of reason.

And here I’m going to interrupt Mr. Gore’s interesting rant for a bit longer interjection. Gore is blaming the media for taking advantage of the public’s gullibility.

He never once questions why the electorate is so gullible. Here’s a clue: As Bill Bennett wrote some time back, a hundred years ago our high schools taught Latin and Greek. They taught rhetoric and logic. They taught world geography, and ancient and modern history.

Now our public universities teach remedial English and basic arithmetic to incoming freshmen.

Others have commented on the quality of many of the letters written by Civil War soldiers on both sides of that war – their literary, historical, and biblical allusions, their excellent grammar and punctuation. Have you perused LiveJournal recently? Or randomly sampled some of the personal blogs on Blogger? What language is that?

Thomas Sowell recently wrote:

A recently reprinted memoir by Frederick Douglass (1818-1895) has footnotes explaining what words like ‘arraigned,’ ‘curried’ and ‘exculpate’ meant, and explaining who Job was. In other words, this man who was born a slave and never went to school educated himself to the point where his words now have to be explained to today’s expensively under-educated generation.

There is really nothing very mysterious about why our public schools are failures. When you select the poorest quality college students to be public school teachers, give them iron-clad tenure, a captive audience, and pay them according to seniority rather than performance, why should the results be surprising?

Ours may become the first civilization destroyed, not by the power of our enemies, but by the ignorance of our teachers and the dangerous nonsense they are teaching our children. In an age of artificial intelligence, they are creating artificial stupidity.

In a democracy, we have always had to worry about the ignorance of the uneducated. Today we have to worry about the ignorance of people with college degrees.

You want to know the main reason for the ills you’re protesting against, Al? Our government has destroyed the public education system. It’s done it slowly, methodically, systematically and deliberately. And why?

TO PRODUCE A POPULACE THAT CAN BE EASILY LED AROUND BY ITS POLITICAL MASTERS.

What you’re protesting here isn’t that the American public is too easily manipulated, you’re upset because they apparently can’t yet be manipulated into doing what YOU want. As you say, it’s too easy – and too partisan – to simply blame George Bush, or even just the Republicans. No, it took both parties, a hundred years, and hundreds of billions of dollars to get to where we are today. It started with John Dewey at about the turn of the 20th Century, and it’s gone downhill from there. Formation of the federal Department of Education in 1980 seems only to have accelerated the problem. (There’s a surprise.)

You don’t want to “create new ways to engage in a genuine and not manipulative conversation about our future.” Politicians aren’t interested in no longer “tolerating the rejection and distortion of science.” They’re out to shut up the opposition by labeling them as ignorant drooling boobs who must be led by the hand by our political masters. I said as much in a piece I wrote during that 2000 election debacle, An Uncomfortable Conclusion:

With the continuing legal maneuvers in the Florida election debacle, I have been forced to a conclusion that I may have been unconsciously fending off. The Democratic party thinks we’re stupid. Not “amiable uncle Joe” stupid, but DANGEROUSLY stupid.

Lead-by-the-hand-no-sharp-objects-don’t-put-that-in-your-mouth stupid.

And they don’t think that just Republicans and independents are stupid, no no! They think ANYBODY not in the Democratic power elite is, by definition, a drooling idiot. A muttering moron. Pinheads barely capable of dressing ourselves.

Take, for example, the position under which the Gore election machine petitioned for a recount – that only supporters of the Democratic candidate for President lacked the skills necessary to vote properly, and that through a manual recount those erroneously marked ballots could be “properly” counted in Mr. Gore’s favor. They did this in open court and on national television, and with a straight face.

So, it is with some regret that I can no longer hold that uncomfortable conclusion at bay:

They’re right. We are.

Not all of us, of course, but enough. Those of us still capable of intelligent, logical, independent thought have been overwhelmed by the public school system production lines that have been cranking out large quantities of substandard product for the last thirty-five years or so. The majority of three or four generations have managed to make it into the working world with no knowledge of history, no understanding of the Constitution or civics, no awareness of geography, no ability to do even mildly complex mathematics, no comprehension of science, and realistically little to no ability to read with comprehension, or write with clarity. And we seem to have developed attention spans roughly equivalent to that of your average small bird.

After all, about half the public accepted the Democratic premise that we were too stupid to vote correctly because their guy didn’t win by a landslide, didn’t they? And the other half was outraged, not that they made such a ludicrous argument, but that they didn’t want to play fair and by the rules that no one seems to understand or to be able to explain.

The other majority party isn’t blameless in this; they like an ignorant electorate too. It’s easier to lead people who can’t or won’t think for themselves. It took both parties and many years of active bipartisan meddling to make the education system into an international laughingstock.

As you can see, I’ve held this opinion for some time now.

Would you like some example of what I’m talking about here? I have just the thing, thanks to Dr. Sanity. Here are some quotes by psychologists – certainly the recipients of some of the highest levels of education – specifically on what they believe the function of public education ought to be, via PsychQuotes.com:

“Every child in America entering school at the age of five is insane because he comes to school with certain allegiances to our founding fathers, toward our elected officials, toward his parents, toward a belief in a supernatural being, and toward the sovereignty of this nation as a separate entity. It’s up to you as teachers to make all these sick children well – by creating the international child of the future”
Dr. Chester M. Pierce, Psychiatrist, address to the Childhood International Education Seminar, 1973

“We have swallowed all manner of poisonous certainties fed us by our parents, our Sunday and day school teachers, our politicians, our priests, our newspapers, and others with a vested interest in controlling us. ‘Thou shalt become as gods, knowing good and evil,’ good and evil with which to keep children under control, with which to impose local and familial and national loyalties and with which to blind children to their glorious intellectual heritage… The results, the inevitable results, are frustration, inferiority, neurosis and inability to enjoy living, to reason clearly or to make a world fit to live in.”
Dr. G. Brock Chisholm, President, World Federation of Mental Health

Teaching school children to read was a “perversion” and high literacy rate bred “the sustaining force behind individualism.”
John Dewey, Educational Psychologist

He says that like individualism is a bad thing.

The school curriculum should “…be designed to bend the student to the realities of society, especially by way of vocational education… the curriculum should be designed to promote mental health as an instrument for social progress and a means of altering culture…”
Report: Action for Mental Health, 1961

“Education should aim at destroying free will so that after pupils are thus schooled they will be incapable throughout the rest of their lives of thinking or acting otherwise than as their school masters would have wished … The social psychologist of the future will have a number of classes of school children on whom they will try different methods of producing an unshakable conviction that snow is black. Various results will soon be arrived at: first, that influences of the home are ‘obstructive’ and verses set to music and repeatedly intoned are very effective … It is for the future scientist to make these maxims precise and discover exactly how much it costs per head to make children believe that snow is black. When the technique has been perfected, every government that has been in charge of education for more than one generation will be able to control its subjects securely without the need of armies or policemen.”
Bertrand Russell quoting (one assumes approvingly – ed.) Johann Gottlieb Fichte, the head of philosophy & psychology who influenced Hegel and others – Prussian University in Berlin, 1810

“…through schools of the world we shall disseminate a new conception of government – one that will embrace all of the collective activities of men; one that will postulate the need for scientific control and operation of economic activities in the interests of all people.”
Harold Rugg, student of psychology and a disciple of John Dewey

Dewey raises his ugly head again.

“Education does not mean teaching people to know what they do not know – it means teaching them to behave as they do not behave.”
National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) sponsored report: The Role of Schools in Mental Health

“This is the idea where we drop subject matter and we drop Carnegie Unites (grading from A-F) and we just let students find their way, keeping them in school until they manifest the politically correct attitudes. You see, one of the effects of self-esteem (Values Clarification) programs is that you are no longer obliged to tell the truth if you don’t feel like it. You don’t have to tell the truth because if the truth you have to tell is about your own failure then your self-esteem will go down and that is unthinkable.”
Dr. William Coulson, explaining Outcome Based Education

These are the kind of people who have been influencing public education for the last century.

And you wonder why so few Americans have critical thinking skills anymore? Let’s not blame television. The populace had to be prepped first.

Continuing with Gore’s piece:

And what if an individual citizen or group of citizens wants to enter the public debate by expressing their views on television? Since they cannot simply join the conversation, some of them have resorted to raising money in order to buy 30 seconds in which to express their opinion. But too often they are not allowed to do even that. MoveOn.org tried to buy an ad for the 2004 Super Bowl broadcast to express opposition to Bush’s economic policy, which was then being debated by Congress. CBS told MoveOn that “issue advocacy” was not permissible. Then, CBS, having refused the MoveOn ad, began running advertisements by the White House in favor of the president’s controversial proposal. So MoveOn complained, and the White House ad was temporarily removed. By temporarily, I mean it was removed until the White House complained, and CBS immediately put the ad back on, yet still refused to present the MoveOn ad.

Was the .gov piece run as a “public service” spot? Did CBS run any other paid “advocacy” commercials? I mean besides for excessive beer drinking? Did CBS deny MoveOn commercial time on any evening sitcoms or during its Evening News broadcast?

Sorry, but I’m just not getting all that worked up here. I understand that the SwiftBoat Veterans for Truth had some trouble getting their ads placed on national television as well.

To understand the final reason why the news marketplace of ideas dominated by television is so different from the one that emerged in the world dominated by the printing press, it is important to distinguish the quality of vividness experienced by television viewers from the “vividness” experienced by readers. Marshall McLuhan’s description of television as a “cool” medium—as opposed to the “hot” medium of print—was hard for me to understand when I read it 40 years ago, because the source of “heat” in his metaphor is the mental work required in the alchemy of reading. But McLuhan was almost alone in recognizing that the passivity associated with watching television is at the expense of activity in parts of the brain associated with abstract thought, logic, and the reasoning process. Any new dominant communications medium leads to a new information ecology in society that inevitably changes the way ideas, feelings, wealth, power and influence are distributed and the way collective decisions are made.

As a young lawyer giving his first significant public speech at the age of 28, Abraham Lincoln warned that a persistent period of dysfunction and unresponsiveness by government could alienate the American people and that “the strongest bulwark of any government, and particularly of those constituted like ours, may effectively be broken down and destroyed — I mean the attachment of the people.”

Thomas Jefferson beat him to it:

The people cannot be all, & always, well informed. The part which is wrong will be discontented in proportion to the importance of the facts they misconceive; if they remain quiet under such misconceptions it is a lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public liberty.

Lethargy we’ve got, in abundance.

Many Americans now feel that our government is unresponsive and that no one in power listens to or cares what they think.

Case in point: today’s “compromise” immigration legislation.

They feel disconnected from democracy. They feel that one vote makes no difference, and that they, as individuals, have no practical means of participating in America’s self-government. Unfortunately, they are not entirely wrong. Voters are often viewed mainly as targets for easy manipulation by those seeking their “consent” to exercise power. By using focus groups and elaborate polling techniques, those who design these messages are able to derive the only information they’re interested in receiving from citizens — feedback useful in fine-tuning their efforts at manipulation. Over time, the lack of authenticity becomes obvious and takes its toll in the form of cynicism and alienation. And the more Americans disconnect from the democratic process, the less legitimate it becomes.

“Lack of authenticity” from a guy who did a creditable imitation of a cardboard cutout and had to pay Naomi Wolf for advice on how to act like an “alpha male.”

Gore should do standup.

Many young Americans now seem to feel that the jury is out on whether American democracy actually works or not. We have created a wealthy society with tens of millions of talented, resourceful individuals who play virtually no role whatsoever as citizens. Bringing these people in — with their networks of influence, their knowledge, and their resources — is the key to creating the capacity for shared intelligence that we need to solve our problems.

Translated: “We need their money.”

Unfortunately, the legacy of the 20th century’s ideologically driven bloodbaths has included a new cynicism about reason itself — because reason was so easily used by propagandists to disguise their impulse to power by cloaking it in clever and seductive intellectual formulations.

Wait…

The 20th century’s ideologically driven bloodbaths? I thought television was at fault for all of this. We didn’t get TV until the latter half of the 20th century. Prior to that it was newspapers and radio.

Let’s put the blame for the 20th century’s ideological bloodbaths where it belongs: on the shoulders of failed philosophies that were emotionally appealing, but logically insupportable – communism and fascism. And the majority of the victims of the 20th century’s bloodbaths were victims of their own governments – not victims of war between opposing powers. Further, television wasn’t all that widespread in those countries. That required the benefits of capitalism.

When people don’t have an opportunity to interact on equal terms and test the validity of what they’re being “taught” in the light of their own experience and robust, shared dialogue, they naturally begin to resist the assumption that the experts know best.

Err… what? When people DO have the opportunity to interact and test the validity of what they’re being taught is when they resist the assumption that the “experts” know best. It’s when they’re denied the ability that “groupthink” arises. Why do you think there’s a press on to reinstitute the “fairness doctrine?” To stifle voices one side doesn’t want you to hear – the side questioning the “experts.”

So the remedy for what ails our democracy is not simply better education (as important as that is) or civic education (as important as that can be), but the re-establishment of a genuine democratic discourse in which individuals can participate in a meaningful way — a conversation of democracy in which meritorious ideas and opinions from individuals do, in fact, evoke a meaningful response.

Here’s where I finally start to agree with Gore.

Fortunately, the Internet has the potential to revitalize the role played by the people in our constitutional framework. It has extremely low entry barriers for individuals. It is the most interactive medium in history and the one with the greatest potential for connecting individuals to one another and to a universe of knowledge. It’s a platform for pursuing the truth, and the decentralized creation and distribution of ideas, in the same way that markets are a decentralized mechanism for the creation and distribution of goods and services. It’s a platform, in other words, for reason.

But the Internet must be developed and protected, in the same way we develop and protect markets — through the establishment of fair rules of engagement and the exercise of the rule of law.

The same ferocity that our Founders devoted to protect the freedom and independence of the press is now appropriate for our defense of the freedom of the Internet. The stakes are the same: the survival of our Republic. We must ensure that the Internet remains open and accessible to all citizens without any limitation on the ability of individuals to choose the content they wish regardless of the Internet service provider they use to connect to the Web. We cannot take this future for granted. We must be prepared to fight for it, because of the threat of corporate consolidation and control over the Internet marketplace of ideas.

The danger arises because there is, in most markets, a very small number of broadband network operators. These operators have the structural capacity to determine the way in which information is transmitted over the Internet and the speed with which it is delivered. And the present Internet network operators—principally large telephone and cable companies — have an economic incentive to extend their control over the physical infrastructure of the network to leverage control of Internet content. If they went about it in the wrong way, these companies could institute changes that have the effect of limiting the free flow of information over the Internet in a number of troubling ways.

The democratization of knowledge by the print medium brought the Enlightenment. Now, broadband interconnection is supporting decentralized processes that reinvigorate democracy. We can see it happening before our eyes: As a society, we are getting smarter. Networked democracy is taking hold. You can feel it. We the people — as Lincoln put it, “even we here” — are collectively still the key to the survival of America’s democracy.

While I agree with what he says here, I cannot help but believe that what he actually intends would have a result counterproductive to his (stated) ends. Or am I exhibiting critical thinking skills here and questioning the expert?

Fool me once, shame on you…

Mugged by Reality.

Back four years ago when I started this blog, I posted the two-part essay Is the Government Responsible for Your Protection? It was a piece I had originally written and posted in the Gun Dungeon of DemocraticUnderground.com. Needless to say, it got some interesting responses from the denizens there. Via David Hardy we have fascinating case study of what it takes to turn an opponent of concealed-carry into a supporter – that of Ohio State Rep. Michael DeBose.

Here’s his story, as told by the Cleveland Plain Dealer:

Run-in changes lawmaker’s stance

Tuesday, May 15, 2007
Phillip Morris

It’s funny how a gun can in stantly change your perspec tive on things, make you wish you could rewrite history.

State Rep. Michael DeBose, a southside Cleveland Democrat, discovered this lesson the night of May 1, when he thought he was going to die. That’s the night he wished he had that gun vote back.

DeBose, who had just returned from Columbus, where he had spent the day in committee hearings, decided to take a short walk up Holly Hill, the street where he has lived with his wife for the past 27 years.

It was late, but DeBose, 51, was restless. The ordained Baptist minister knew his Lee-Harvard neighborhood was changing, but he wasn’t scared. The idle, young men who sometimes hang out on his and adjacent streets didn’t threaten him.

He is a big man and, besides, he had run the same streets before he found Jesus – and a wife. That night, he just needed a walk.

The loud muffler on a car that slowly passed as he was finishing the walk caught his attention, though. When the car stopped directly in front of his house – three houses from where he stood – he knew there was going to be a problem.

“There was a tall one and a short one,” DeBose said, sipping on a McDonald’s milkshake and recounting the experience Friday.

“The tall one reached in his pocket and pulled out a silver gun. And they both started running towards me.”

“At first I just backed up, but then I turned around and started running and screaming.”

“When I started running, the short boy stopped chasing and went back to the car. But the tall boy with the gun kept following me. I ran to the corner house and started banging on Mrs. Jones’ door.”

It was at that point that the would-be robbers realized that their prey wasn’t worth the trouble. Besides, Cheryl, DeBose’s wife, and a daughter had heard his screams and had raced out to investigate. Other porch lights began to flicker on.

The loud muffler sped off, and DeBose started rethinking his gun vote.

DeBose twice voted against a measure to allow Ohioans to carry concealed weapons. It became law in 2004.

DeBose voted his conscience. He feared that CCW permits would lead to a massive influx of new guns in the streets and a jump in gun violence. He feared that Cleveland would become the O.K. Corral, patrolled by legions of freshly minted permit holders.

“I was wrong,” he said Friday.

“I’m going to get a permit and so is my wife.

“I’ve changed my mind. You need a way to protect yourself and your family.

“I don’t want to hurt anyone. But I never again want to be in the position where I’m approached by someone with a gun and I don’t have one.”

DeBose said he knows that a gun doesn’t solve Cleveland’s violence problem; it’s merely a street equalizer.

“There are too many people who are just evil and mean-spirited. They will hurt you for no reason. If more people were packing guns, it might serve as a deterrent.

“But there obviously are far deeper problems that we need to address,” he added, as he suddenly seemed to realize he sounded like a gun enthusiast.

They say the definition of a conservative is a liberal who has been mugged. DeBose’s CCW application will bear some witness to that notion.

At the end of Part 2 of Is the Government Responsible… I concluded:

(The) majority is largely unaware that they are the ones responsible for their own safety. They depend on the police almost exclusively for their safety and protection from crime. In their fear of violence, they fear the other “herbivores” with guns, too. They do so because some gun owners are idiots, but mostly because they’re told that guns are the cause of crime, and they don’t know any better. They don’t accept that general citizens who are willing to resist crime are an asset, not a liability to society.

So what am I advocating? I am advocating educating the citizens of our society as to their rights and attendant duties. That way they can make educated decisions as to their own protection, and that of their fellow citizens. Then if they decide that, for them, actively opposing crime is not an option, they won’t be so eager to deny the means to those who decide it’s the moral thing to do.

In other words, I trust my fellow-man to make the right decision if given all the information.

Representative DeBose just got his PhD in the rights and duties of self-defense.

Too bad it required very nearly being the victim of a violent crime, but that’s often what it takes. Or worse.

Hopefully he’ll feel some shame for the fact that he twice voted to deny to his constituents what he will now be exercising himself.

He May Not Have Declared, but He’s Definitely Campaigning

If you haven’t already heard, Michael Moore challenged Fred Thompson to a debate over an op-ed Thompson wrote in National Review about Moore’s trip to Cuba for his latest “documentary.” Moore’s challenge was published this morning. Thompson’s video response was posted by noon.

As others have said, I have no doubt far more eyes will see Thompson’s video that will watch even 60 seconds of tonight’s Republican “debate.” There’s already eleven links to the Volunteer Voters page and 160 to the original Breitbart page, among them Oliver Willis who writes:

Can anyone seriously watch this clip of Fred Thompson “responding” to Michael Moore and not say the guy is a freaking joke?

Which only goes to prove that screaming Leftists have absolutely no sense of humor.

Unless he was talking about Michael? No. Didn’t think so.

Oh yes, Fred Thompson is campaigning. And I don’t think the other candidates are going to know what hit them.

UPDATE: OK, I retract that “60 seconds” comment above. I just watched the 60-second YouTube clip of Ron Paul v. Rudy.

THAT left a mark.

UPDATE 5/18: Peggy Noonan validates me.

“To be civilized is to restrain the ability to commit mayhem.”

“To be incapable of committing mayhem is not the mark of the civilized,
merely the domesticated.” – Trefor Thomas (Usenet)

“Cry ‘Havoc,’ and let slip the dogs of war.” – Wm. Shakespeare, Julius Caesar

According to this website:

The military order Havoc! was a signal given to the English military forces in the Middle Ages to direct the soldiery (in Shakespeare’s parlance ‘the dogs of war’) to pillage and chaos.

I’m pretty sure that the words “rape and slaughter” are politely left out of that “pillage and chaos” description only because it’s a family internet.

Settle in and get comfortable, ladies and gentlemen, or click on to other destinations. This promises to be another epic-length post.

I want to talk about the war in Iraq.

I’m one of the people personally convinced that upon election (or “selection,” depending on your personal biases) of George W. Bush to the office of President in November of 2000, America was on the path to war in Iraq. I firmly believe that “regime change” was a cornerstone of the Bush presidency, even though he did not announce it during his campaign.

And honestly, I was fine with that. Let me explain why.

If you have not seen it, or if it’s been a while, I strongly urge you to read Steven Den Beste’s Strategic Overview explaining how he saw the root causes of the conflict between radical Islam and the West, and the solution to it. Bear in mind, Steven wrote his piece in July of 2003, after the invasion of Iraq, but most of the background information was true long before 9/11/2001, and that post was essentially a distillation of many posts he’d written much earlier. If you have any disagreement with his initial root-cause analysis, watch this YouTube clip of a Palestinian children’s television show.

As I detailed in an earlier piece, A Terrible Resolve, we have been at war for quite a while with radical Islam. We’ve just pretended not to notice.

Many opponents to the invasion of Iraq pointed out that Saddam’s government was secular. It was not a country ruled over by robed and turbaned religious zealots, it was ruled over by a run-of-the-mill psychotic dictator, and, the complaint went, we knew how to deal with those. Iran and Saudi Arabia were where the self-immolating neolithic goatherds in Semtex Underoos[*] were being inspired and financed from, why not attack one of them? Others counseled that we should handle the problem like our elder and more sophisticated cousins in Europe did – just live with the intermittent carnage, attempt appeasement, or – if we must be cowboys – lob a few bombs or missiles at suspected terrorist camps in response. After all, it was what we’d been doing for decades. Why change now? It’s not like Saddam was a real threat or anything.

Steven spells out the reason for a military response against Iraq in realpolitik terms, but here’s my summary: “Sitting and taking it” is not, for many Americans, an option. It was obvious prior to 9/11 that terrorist operations were getting larger and more sophisticated. The original truck-bomb attack against the World Trade Center in 1993 was just a taste of domestic things to come. With the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the simultaneous collapse of the economies of its member nations, the possibility of military-grade chemical, biological, or even nuclear weapons falling into the hands of jihadists was significantly increased. Saddam, we knew, possessed chemical weapons that he had used on Iranians and Kurds. Everyone expected that Coalition troops would be at least gassed by Saddam’s forces in the 1991 Gulf War. That was another argument against not only the 2003 invasion, but the Gulf War as well (how soon we forget.) We believed, as did the rest of the world, that he was pursuing both biological and nuclear weapons. The only topic of debate was “how long?”

Twelve years of UN sanctions against Iraq, twelve years during which he violated the terms of surrender and repeated UN (ir-)resolutions, did nothing – so far as we were able to determine – more than slow him down. In the mean time, Saddam and his sons Uday and Qusay managed to take advantage of that wretched hive of scum and villainy that is the UN and suborned Germany, France, and cash-starved Russia, not to mention a big chunk of Kofi Annan’s staff and family. “Oil for Food” became “Oil for Palaces,” and international aid organizations and other NGOs were getting closer and closer to their goal of having the UN drop the sanctions against Iraq “for the children.” That move would have left Saddam in power with his even less stable sons in line for the chair, and that was not an option that I believe George W. Bush nor Richard Cheney had any intention of allowing to come to pass as far back as November 2000. It was, absolutely, a question of U.S. National Security. And as far as I can determine, the only candidate for Presidential office in 2000 actually willing to be proactive about Saddam was Bush.

Fellow blogger Markadelphia of Notes from the Front left a comment here on another post where he says:

It was very clear long before 9-11 that we were going into Iraq. The people that helped elect Bush were tired of being at the little kids table behind Germany, France, and Russia in regards to Iraqi oil. Cheney spent 1993-2000 at Haliburton planning to go to war with Iraq to a)get their oil and b)use KBR (subsidiary of Haliburton) to fleece taxpayers like you and I with overly generous defense contracts. He reset the table and he used 9-11 as a pretext for going there.

So it was even clear to others that Iraq was on the agenda prior to 9/11. But was it for the Ooooiiiillllll!!!!!? Oh bullshit. If we wanted Iraqi oil, we’d have gone ahead and dropped the sanctions and simply bought it. If we went to war to steal it, then where the hell is it, and why does my gas cost $3.03 a gallon? Are contractors raking in big bucks in Iraq? Yes they are, but they’re doing it in Afghanistan, too – and Afghanistan is the good war, remember? What about Kosovo? KBR is big there and has been from pretty much the beginning. Wasn’t there a Clinton involved in that one?

But yes, it is about oil. If the world’s primary reserves of crude were not under the Middle East, we wouldn’t be having this discussion. The radical Islamists wouldn’t have two dimes to rub together with which to prosecute their war against the West, and we wouldn’t give a dead dog fart about them. Oil is the life blood of the industrial world. Having certifiably insane people sitting in a position that allows them to deny it to the world is manifestly not a good idea.

In order to end the conflict between the West and radical Islam, it is necessary to do one thing: destroy radical Islam. There are two paths to this end. One is, as Steven says, reform the Arab/Muslim world and undermine its support. The second is the unthinkable – destroy it by force of arms.

Therefore I firmly believe that the Bush administration shambled into office with the intent to evict Saddam Hussein and his power structure from Iraq, and to attempt to build a modern democratic nation in the middle of the region. The realpolitik reason for the act was because it would be the opening maneuver in the effort to reform the Arab/Muslim world. The legal and moral justification for the act was that Saddam remained a real if not “imminent” danger, was in violation of the UN resolutions passed against him, and was in violation of the terms of surrender from the 1991 Gulf War. Further, as Iraq was run by a secular government, we could not be credibly accused of attacking for religious reasons. We could not put forth a similar argument for attacking Iran, and the Saudis are supposedly our friends. Attacking them was no option at all. And there was no acceptable diplomatic solution. Twelve years of “diplomacy” conclusively proved that.

Iraq was the target, as Steven says, because in order to begin to reform the Arab/Muslim world:

(W)e had to conquer one of the big antagonistic Arab nations and take control of it.

  1. To directly reduce support for terrorist groups by eliminating one government which had been providing such support.
  2. To place us in a physical and logistical position to be able to apply substantial pressure on the rest of the major governments of the region.
    1. To force them to stop protecting and supporting terrorist groups
    2. To force them to begin implementing political and social reforms
  3. To convince the governments and other leaders of the region that it was no longer fashionable to blame us for their failure, so that they would stop using us as scapegoats.
  4. To make clear to everyone in the world that reform is coming, whether they like it or not, and that the old policy of stability-for-the-sake-of-stability is dead. To make clear to local leaders that they may only choose between reforming voluntarily or having reform forced on them.
  5. To make a significant long term change in the psychology of the “Arab Street”
    1. To prove to the “Arab Street” that we were willing to fight, and that our reputation for cowardice was undeserved.
    2. To prove that we are extraordinarily dangerous when we do fight, and that it is extremely unwise to provoke us.
    3. To defeat the spirit of the “Arab Street”. To force them to face their own failure, so that they would become willing to consider the idea that reform could lead them to success. No one can solve a problem until they acknowledge that they have a problem, and until now the “Arab Street” has been hiding from theirs, in part aided by government propaganda eager to blame others elsewhere (especially the Jews).
  6. To “nation build”. After making the “Arab Street” truly face its own failure, to show the “Arab Street” a better way by creating a secularized, liberated, cosmopolitan society in a core Arab nation. To create a place where Arabs were free, safe, unafraid, happy and successful. To show that this could be done without dictators or monarchs. (I’ve been referring to this as being the pilot project for “Arab Civilization 2.0”.)
  7. Not confirmed: It may have been hoped that the conquered nation would serve as a honey-pot to attract militants from the region, causing them to fight against our troops instead of planning attacks against civilians. (This was described by David Warren as the flypaper strategy.) It seems to have worked out that way, but it’s not known if this was a deliberate part of the plan. Many of the defenders who died in the war were not actually Iraqis.

That last sentence remains true today, nearly four years later, only they’re not “defenders” they’re jihadis, and they’re killing more Iraqi civilians than they are American soldiers by a couple orders of magnitude. Personally, I don’t think the “flypaper strategy” was much considered by the war planners. I think probably their largest oversight was the level of effort Iran and Syria would put in to producing, aiding and arming inbound militants.

The attacks of September 11, 2001 simply moved up the timetable, and made it easier to sell to Congress and the American people. And it is possible, I will admit, that planning for the overthrow of Saddam may possibly have distracted the Bush administration from other threats.

Bear in mind here – I do not concur with the “Bush lied, people died” meme. Everybody thought Saddam had stocks of at least chemical weapons he’d kept hidden from the UN. Don’t make me drag out the YouTube clips of Madeline Albright, Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, and other Democrat muckety-mucks talking about what a threat Saddam was long before Bush took office.

In a February 26, 2003 speech, President Bush said:

The current Iraqi regime has shown the power of tyranny to spread discord and violence in the Middle East. A liberated Iraq can show the power of freedom to transform that vital region, by bringing hope and progress into the lives of millions. America’s interests in security, and America’s belief in liberty, both lead in the same direction: to a free and peaceful Iraq.

The first to benefit from a free Iraq would be the Iraqi people, themselves. Today they live in scarcity and fear, under a dictator who has brought them nothing but war, and misery, and torture. Their lives and their freedom matter little to Saddam Hussein — but Iraqi lives and freedom matter greatly to us.

Bringing stability and unity to a free Iraq will not be easy. Yet that is no excuse to leave the Iraqi regime’s torture chambers and poison labs in operation. Any future the Iraqi people choose for themselves will be better than the nightmare world that Saddam Hussein has chosen for them.

Rebuilding Iraq will require a sustained commitment from many nations, including our own: we will remain in Iraq as long as necessary, and not a day more. America has made and kept this kind of commitment before — in the peace that followed a world war. After defeating enemies, we did not leave behind occupying armies, we left constitutions and parliaments. We established an atmosphere of safety, in which responsible, reform-minded local leaders could build lasting institutions of freedom. In societies that once bred fascism and militarism, liberty found a permanent home.

There was a time when many said that the cultures of Japan and Germany were incapable of sustaining democratic values. Well, they were wrong. Some say the same of Iraq today. They are mistaken. The nation of Iraq — with its proud heritage, abundant resources and skilled and educated people — is fully capable of moving toward democracy and living in freedom.

The world has a clear interest in the spread of democratic values, because stable and free nations do not breed the ideologies of murder. They encourage the peaceful pursuit of a better life. And there are hopeful signs of a desire for freedom in the Middle East. Arab intellectuals have called on Arab governments to address the “freedom gap” so their peoples can fully share in the progress of our times. Leaders in the region speak of a new Arab charter that champions internal reform, greater politics participation, economic openness, and free trade. And from Morocco to Bahrain and beyond, nations are taking genuine steps toward politics reform. A new regime in Iraq would serve as a dramatic and inspiring example of freedom for other nations in the region.

It is presumptuous and insulting to suggest that a whole region of the world — or the one-fifth of humanity that is Muslim — is somehow untouched by the most basic aspirations of life. Human cultures can be vastly different. Yet the human heart desires the same good things, everywhere on Earth. In our desire to be safe from brutal and bullying oppression, human beings are the same. In our desire to care for our children and give them a better life, we are the same. For these fundamental reasons, freedom and democracy will always and everywhere have greater appeal than the slogans of hatred and the tactics of terror.

Success in Iraq could also begin a new stage for Middle Eastern peace, and set in motion progress towards a truly democratic Palestinian state. The passing of Saddam Hussein’s regime will deprive terrorist networks of a wealthy patron that pays for terrorist training, and offers rewards to families of suicide bombers. And other regimes will be given a clear warning that support for terror will not be tolerated.

Without this outside support for terrorism, Palestinians who are working for reform and long for democracy will be in a better position to choose new leaders. True leaders who strive for peace; true leaders who faithfully serve the people. A Palestinian state must be a reformed and peaceful state that abandons forever the use of terror.

Congress was convinced, the American public was convinced, and we invaded Iraq. Despite the fact that many in the media predicted (even seemed to wish for) “quagmire” and huge losses, the ousting of Saddam was accomplished in an astonishingly short period with surprisingly low losses. Baghdad fell only three weeks after the beginning of the invasion. “Major combat operations” were complete by May 1, Uday and Qusay were killed in July, and Saddam was captured in early December. But there’s an expression in retail sales: “You break it, you bought it.” Iraq was broken before we got there, but we did a pretty good job of making smaller pieces from some of the shards. We had committed ourselves to a path, and most of us believed we could pull it off. After all, we’d done it before. Now what remained was “nation-building.”

And that’s where things have gone pretty badly. Had we still been practicing a Kissingerian pragmatic foreign policy, we’d simply have propped a pro-American “our bastard” dictator on the throne, set up defensive cordons around the oil fields, and let our new ally “pacify” his newly “liberated” nation. We’ve been there and done that, too, and that’s what our Leftist population accused us of attempting.

But President Bush, his cabinet and advisors, even most of the American people, I think, believe in what he said in that speech:

It is presumptuous and insulting to suggest that a whole region of the world — or the one-fifth of humanity that is Muslim — is somehow untouched by the most basic aspirations of life. Human cultures can be vastly different. Yet the human heart desires the same good things, everywhere on Earth. In our desire to be safe from brutal and bullying oppression, human beings are the same. In our desire to care for our children and give them a better life, we are the same. For these fundamental reasons, freedom and democracy will always and everywhere have greater appeal than the slogans of hatred and the tactics of terror.

He also said in a later speech in England:

We must shake off decades of failed policy in the Middle East. Your nation and mine, in the past, have been willing to make a bargain, to tolerate oppression for the sake of stability. Longstanding ties often led us to overlook the faults of local elites. Yet this bargain did not bring stability or make us safe. It merely bought time, while problems festered and ideologies of violence took hold.

As recent history has shown, we cannot turn a blind eye to oppression just because the oppression is not in our own backyard. No longer should we think tyranny is benign because it is temporarily convenient. Tyranny is never benign to its victims, and our great democracies should oppose tyranny wherever it is found.

At least wherever tyranny is found that has a direct effect on American national security. But it has has been pointed out by others that it only takes a few people on one side to force conflict. The slogans of hatred and the tactics of terror appeal to a not-insignificant portion of the one-fifth of humanity that is Muslim, and some of them run countries.

Steven Den Beste postulated that “we had to conquer one of the big antagonistic Arab nations and take control of it” in part:

  1. To place us in a physical and logistical position to be able to apply substantial pressure on the rest of the major governments of the region.
    1. To force them to stop protecting and supporting terrorist groups
    2. To force them to begin implementing political and social reforms

Well, if you’ll look at a map we occupy Afghanistan and Iraq, effectively straddling Iran. Iraq abuts Syria and Saudi Arabia as well. We’re in that “physical and logistical position,” but the “substantial pressure”? Not so much. And without that, the following bullet points are moot.

Steven also wrote that another purpose behind conquering and controlling Iraq was:

  1. To prove to the “Arab Street” that we were willing to fight, and that our reputation for cowardice was undeserved.
  2. To prove that we are extraordinarily dangerous when we do fight, and that it is extremely unwise to provoke us.
  3. To defeat the spirit of the “Arab Street”. To force them to face their own failure, so that they would become willing to consider the idea that reform could lead them to success.

As to part a), we’ve proven that we’re willing to fight – for a while. Our military is, certainly. Our politicians and populace are another story. As to our reputation for cowardice, well, that remains to be seen. On point b) I don’t think there’s been any doubt about that, but our will to fight? See point a). On point c) to date we have been a complete failure as a nation.

Why aren’t we able to apply that substantial pressure? Why have we so far been a complete failure at defeating the “spirit of the ‘Arab Street'”?

I believe it’s a two-part problem, one creating its own positive-feedback loop: 1) Because we “misunderestimated” our enemy, and 2) the United States quite simply isn’t united – and our disunity is illustrated worldwide every day in neon and fireworks via every media outlet going.

Beginning prior to the invasion of Afghanistan, and continuing on ever since there has been a constant drumbeat of defeatism by the Left, and here’s where I’m going to get labeled as a right-wing nutcase (as if I weren’t already): The media has been and continues to be fully complicit in encouraging that defeatism. I’m not going to go into why this is, this essay will be more than long enough already, but suffice it to say that the media’s constant spinning of the war effort (now the nation-building effort) and its overwhelming concentration on the negative, on opponents to the war, on our errors, and on the actions of our enemies has made it a fifth column force on the side of the jihadis. Iraq is not Vietnam, but the media wants everyone to go back to those halcyon days when Walter Cronkite effectively ended that war with one well-placed broadcast, not the bad old days of Ernie Pyle and Edward R. Murrow.

And to hell with the consequences.

The media may be losing its audience, but still the majority of our population gets its information from major news services. And media sells. or advertisers wouldn’t be spending billions on television, print, and radio.

We “misunderestimated” our enemy by not understanding that for their “true believers,” death is their reward. We’d seen that before in the Kamikazes of World War II, but I don’t really think anyone in the Western world really grasps that kind of mindset. We of the cult of material well-being, after all, have things to live for. Six years after 9/11, our enemy seems to have no problem recruiting sufficient numbers of suicide bombers. After all, they think they’re winning. Our media, our Congress tells them so every day.

The idea that people are willing to deliberately blow themselves up for a cause is something the West in general and the Left in particular greatly fears. That is its strongest psychological effect as a weapon: “How can we beat an enemy that is willing to die in order to kill us?” (As an aside, many Leftists (not “liberals”) don’t even understand why people volunteer for the military and put themselves at risk of dying. For them the only justification could be the promise of an education or to get out of bad economic conditions.) For the Left the answer is “make you enemy your friend.” For the Right the answer is “kill him first.” The Left is terrified of “offending” the enemy – thus almost no one was willing to print the Muhammed Cartoons out of fear of reprisal, but no one has a qualm about insulting fundamentalist Christians. President Bush’s admittedly macho posturing of “Bring ’em on!” brought howls of protest by the Left, but you can’t kill them if you can’t find them.

Unless you’re willing to kill a lot of innocents in the process.

Our enemy is willing. We, so far, have not been.

A recent editorial, however, illustrates that the mindset may be changing on that. Morton Kondracke published Plan B for Iraq: Winning Dirty on Friday. In it, he suggests the slightly less unthinkable:

(A)s Bush’s critics point out, bloody civil war is the reality in Iraq right now. U.S. troops are standing in the middle of it and so far cannot stop either Shiites from killing Sunnis or Sunnis from killing Shiites.

Or “insurgents” from killing Americans.

Winning dirty would involve taking sides in the civil war – backing the Shiite-dominated elected government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki and ensuring that he and his allies prevail over both the Sunni insurgency and his Shiite adversary Muqtada al-Sadr, who’s now Iran’s candidate to rule Iraq.

In effect, the “our bastard” policy, which he makes explicit from the beginning:

Winning will be dirty because it will allow the Shiite-dominated Iraqi military and some Shiite militias to decimate the Sunni insurgency. There likely will be ethnic cleansing, atrocities against civilians and massive refugee flows.

(My emphasis.) But he continues with the pragmatism argument:

Ever since the toppling of Saddam Hussein, Sunnis – representing 20 percent of the population – have been the core of armed resistance to the U.S. and the Iraqi government. The insurgency consists mainly of ex-Saddam supporters and Sunni nationalists, both eager to return to power, and of jihadists anxious to sow chaos, humiliate the United States and create a safe zone for al-Qaida operations throughout the Middle East.

Bush wants to establish Iraq as a model representative democracy for the Middle East, but that’s proved impossible so far – partly because of the Sunni insurgencies, partly because of Shiites’ reluctance to compromise with their former oppressors and partly because al-Qaida succeeded in triggering a civil war.

Bush’s troop surge – along with Gen. David Petraeus’ shift of military strategy – is designed to suppress the civil war long enough for Iraqi military forces to be able to maintain even handed order on their own and for Sunni, Kurdish and Shiite politicians to agree to share power and resources. The new strategy deserves a chance, but so far civilian casualties are not down, progress on political reconciliation is glacial, and U.S. casualties have increased significantly.

As a result, political patience in the United States is running down. If Petraeus cannot show dramatic progress by September, Republicans worried about re-election are likely to demand a U.S. withdrawal, joining Democrats who have demanded it for years.

So much for our reputation for cowardice…

Prudence calls for preparation of a Plan B. The withdrawal policy advocated by most Democrats virtually guarantees catastrophic ethnic cleansing – but without any guarantee that a government friendly to the United States would emerge. Almost certainly, Shiites will dominate Iraq because they outnumber Sunnis three to one. But the United States would get no credit for helping the Shiites win. In fact, America’s credibility would suffer because it abandoned its mission.

(My emphasis.) So, for Morton Kondracke, it is better to betray one set of principles and get a partially positive result, than betray another set of principles and get a completely negative one.

Personally, I don’t think “Plan B” has a snowball’s chance of getting any support. No one is going to say openly that they support “ethnic” (in this case religious sectarian) “cleansing.” If the media would only point out that abandoning Iraq means just that at least as often as they do the American body count, the Democrat support for withdrawal would vanish overnight.

I don’t think the “surge” is going to solve all of Iraq’s problems, or even “produce dramatic results by September,” so one of two things is going to happen – either our politicians are eventually going to demand withdrawal (and get it), or they’re going to grow spines and accept politically that Iraq is a long-haul project that will take literally decades.

Politicians growing spines? Did I mention a snowball’s chance?

So what next?

Winning our battle against radical Islam requires national unity, which we don’t have. Kondracke concludes his op-ed with this observation:

Civil wars do end. The losers lose and have to knuckle under.

Actually, that’s true for all wars, not just “civil” ones. The difference in this war is how we’re prosecuting it. Traditionally, in war military forces kill people and break things until one side has lost enough. As the saying goes, “Winning a war is expensive. Losing one takes everything you’ve got.” As I detailed in A Terrible Resolve, the concept of “ethnic cleansing” didn’t seem to bother us much in the Pacific Theater. Arthur Koestler once wrote “Politics can be relatively fair in the breathing spaces of history; at its critical turning points there is no other rule possible than the old one, that the end justifies the means.” But times changed. We’re again approaching one of those critical turning points. Now there’s at least a hint that the idea isn’t as repulsive as it used to be.

George Tenet, whatever you think of him, believes that another major attack against the United States is imminent. If some self-immolating neolithic goatherds are handed a nukular weapon and detonate it in an American city while shouting “Allahu akbar!” it might very well become downright attractive.

Attractive to the point where the American populace unifies and demands that we cry “Havoc!” and let slip our dogs of war. We don’t do rape and pillage, but chaos and slaughter? Oh my yes. Ask the Japanese soldiers of Guadalcanal, Iwo Jima, Saipan and Okinawa. Ask the citizens of Tokyo, Osaka, Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Now I ask you: Would you rather see our military stay in Iraq for the next decade or two trying to make that country stable and acting as flypaper for jihadis, or the probable alternative?

[*]Hat tip to master wordsmith Tamara K of View from the Porch for that mental visual.

Dred Scott and Legislating from the Bench.

The Legal Times blog notes that today is the 150th anniversary of the most-highly-reviled Dred Scott decision – the “match that ignited the civil war.” I left a comment there, which I immediately regretted – to wit:

Chief Justice Taney reached a deplorable conclusion, but he did it based on a flawless understanding of the law as it stood, and of the meaning and intent of the Bill of Rights. The Justice wrote that blacks – free or slave – could not be citizens because:

“For if they were so received, and entitled to the privileges and immunities of citizens, it would exempt them from the operation of the special laws and from the police regulations which they considered to be necessary for their own safety. It would give to persons of the negro race, who were recognised as citizens in any one State of the Union, the right to enter every other State whenever they pleased, singly or in companies, without pass or passport, and without obstruction, to sojourn there as long as they pleased, to go where they pleased at every hour of the day or night without molestation, unless they committed some violation of law for which a white man would be punished; and it would give them the full liberty of speech in public and in private upon all subjects upon which its own citizens might speak; to hold public meetings upon political affairs, and to keep and carry arms wherever they went. And all of this would be done in the face of the subject race of the same color, both free and slaves, and inevitably producing discontent and insubordination among them, and endangering the peace and safety of the State.”

He was right – they would. Faced with decades of precedent, regardless of his personal opinion (and that of six other Justices) he didn’t have a lot of choice (though he far overstepped what was legally necessary.)

But upon passage of the 13th and 14th Amendments after a bloody war over just who was and wasn’t a citizen, the Supreme Court saw to it that those privileges and immunities remained restricted from blacks, and later, anyone else the majority felt necessary.

Say what you will about the decision, Chief Justice Taney declined to “legislate from the Bench” in 1857. Chief Justice Waite in 1875 took it upon himself to do that in U.S. v Cruikshank.

(Added emphasis – the LTB doesn’t allow HTML).

That’s what I wrote, but it is not precisely the case. Taney did indeed “legislate from the bench” – just not in a direction modern America would support, nor many of his contemporaries. As I did manage to note, the Chief Justice far overstepped what was legally necessary – or justifiable. And I should have noted that excess more explicitly in my comment. Mea culpa.

Taney was a product of his era, and, I believe it has been well proven, a great supporter of the institution of slavery at least in the latter part of his life. Given this, his decision was not surprising. But the point of my comment wasn’t that Taney went too far – that’s a given – it was that the main portion of the decision, the conclusion that blacks could not be given the “privileges and immunities of citizens,” was pre-ordained by stare decisis. That to find any other way on that point would also have been to “legislate from the bench.”

And here I’d like to argue once again that this is the purpose of having a Supreme Court. As I noted in Game Over, Man. Game Over, our legal system is constrained by the philosophy of stare decisis. As Mike from the now apparently defunct Feces Flinging Monkey put it:

(T)he future of our freedom ultimately rests with the court’s willingness to periodically reexamine the law. Lawmakers, and law enforcers, will always push the limits, and they will always win occasional gains. If the court is unwilling to revisit these issues over time and correct the damage done, then it’s “game over” no matter what we do. This makes it a little easier for me to accept changes in the law where the cost is low and the benefits are significant. If I can’t count on an occasional review, then the game is already lost.

But we hardly ever get that review – “periodic” or otherwise. In my piece But it has to be a heap, now, I quoted Webster’s definition of stare decisis:

(A) doctrine or policy of following rules or principles laid down in previous judicial decisions unless they contravene the ordinary principles of justice

And I quoted extensively from Julian Fisher’s Reason Online essay A Heap of Precedents: Slippery slopes, stare decisis, and popular opinion. Sanchez makes essentially the same argument:

There’s a famous philosophical puzzle, originally attributed to Eubulides of Miletus, known as the sorites paradox or heaps problem. It goes like this: Two or three grains of sand obviously don’t constitute a “heap” of sand. And it seems absurd to suppose that adding a single grain of sand could turn something that wasn’t a heap into a heap. But apply that logic repeatedly as you add one grain after another, and you’re pushed to the equally absurd conclusion that 100,000 grains aren’t a heap either. (Alternatively, you can run the logic in the other direction and prove that three grains of sand are a heap.)

It’s not a terribly deep puzzle, of course: It simply illustrates that some of our everyday concepts, like that of a heap, are vague or fuzzy, not susceptible to such precise definition. Try to define such concepts in too much detail and absurdity results.

The problem is, concepts like “interstate commerce,” “public use,” “unreasonable search,” and “cruel and unusual” are similarly fuzzy. And stare decisis, the principle that cases are to be decided by reference to previous rulings, means that the Court’s interpretation of those rulings looks an awful lot like a process of adding one grain at a time without ever arriving at an unconstitutional heap—an instance of what law professor Eugene Volokh has called an “attitude altering slippery slope.” Jurisprudence is all about distinguishing cases, explaining why some legal principle applies in situation A, but not in apparently similar situation B. But if the grains are fine enough—the differences from case to case sufficiently subtle—plausible distinctions become harder to find.

Sanchez concludes his piece:

Stare decisis is an important guarantor of stability in legal rules: By insisting on like treatment of like cases, it provides people with a more detailed sense of when they’re engaged in constitutionally protected conduct than the stripped-down language of the Constitution alone ever could. But legal rules, to be legitimate, should also reflect a shared public understanding. That’s not to say the polls must vindicate each particular court ruling. But when stability begins to undermine the public’s sense that they understand the most fundamental rules by which they’re governed, it’s a sign that jurists need to be willing to step back and see the heap.

I concluded Game Over, Man thus:

Mike Spenis said “the future of our freedom ultimately rests with the court’s willingness to periodically reexamine the law,” but the evidence is plain that the courts will not do that. They will use obviously flawed precedent so long as it “comports especially well with our notions of good social policy.” And even if it doesn’t, the courts will often bow, as Kozinski does here, to precedent they abhor. We depend upon the honor and intellectual honesty of the judges who make up the Justice system, yet it seems that those who are truly honest and honorable are outnumbered by those who are “willing to bury language that is incontrovertibly there.” The honest and honorable ones abide, under the rule of law, by precedent that is otherwise insupportable. The middling honest ones, the ones Justice Brandeis labled as “men of zeal, well-meaning but without understanding” “build magnificent legal edifices on elliptical constitutional phrases – or even the white spaces between lines of constitutional text.” And those decisions stand, without review, periodic or otherwise, to serve as the next step down the road to Hell.

So “legislating from the bench” has its place, but what is that place?

Sanchez says it’s “when stability begins to undermine the public’s sense that they understand the most fundamental rules by which they’re governed.” Mike says it’s when enough damage has been done by the forces that constantly push the limits of what’s legal. In other words, it’s a judgement call. Like it or not, that power has been placed in the hands of nine un-elected judges.

No one (today) objects to the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision overturning decades of “separate but equal” precedent, but that was clearly “legislating from the bench.” Great howls of outrage and peals of glee resulted from Roe v. Wade, but that too was “legislating from the bench” as defined as violating stare decisis.

So when is “legislating from the bench” valid, and when not?

I would argue that two conditions must be met. First, it can and should only be done by the Supreme Court. To bestow that power on lower courts invites, if not anarchy, then disrespect for law by the citizenry. Second, any decision that violates stare decisis must be done in order to broaden individual rights and freedoms – the “privileges and immunities” of citizens – that have been improperly restricted by decades of grain-upon-grain infringement.

Someone has to have the power to say “That’s a heap,” and knock it down.

In Dred Scott the court was in a position to say that nearly a hundred years of law was wrong, because it denied “the privileges and immunities” of citizens to free blacks, but it did not. Instead the decision (like slavery itself) “contravene(d) the ordinary principles of justice.” Brown v Board of Education restored some of those principles. Roe established a set of rules that I think straddled the dichotomy between the rights of women and the rights of the fetus, but the Doe v Bolton decision – handed down at the same time and almost never mentioned – destroyed those rules, and contravened the principles of justice.

The problem is, this method is messy. Stare decisis is neat and simple. Good decisions do get made, but even good decisions can have bad unintended consequences. It’s a positive feedback loop in which a little garbage in creates ever greater garbage out. There is no established mechanism for “periodically reexamining the law,” and that is a major flaw in the system.

Dred Scott was an understandable decision given the era and the then “shared public understanding” – but the end result was war. Had the Supreme Court of that time been made up of radicals and overturned slavery that decision would have almost definitely also resulted in war. Was there some middle ground that would have satisfied both sides? In my opinion, no. But if you are going to make a decision upon which the rights of citizens depends, I’d prefer it if the Supreme Court of the land decided in favor of expanding those rights, rather than restricting them even further. We depend on those nine un-elected judges to protect our liberty against infringement by ever-encroaching government power.

How do you think they’re doing?